Jewish Hezbollahis in Israel

takbetak

Elite Member
Apr 27, 2006
2,658
1,428
#1
Great well researched book on the growing influence of the jewish Fundamentalists in Israeli politics.
here is a review:


Jewish Fundamentalism in Israel
By Israel Shahak and Norton Mezvinsky.
Pluto Press,Paperback, 2004, 176 pages.

Reviewed by Allan C. Brownfeld

Washington Report on Middle East Affairs

In recent years there has been a dramatic growth of Jewish fundamentalism in Israel

which has manifested itself in vigorous opposition to the peace process and has played

a key role, as well, in the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and the

murder of 29 Muslims at prayer by the American-born fundamentalist, Baruch Goldstein.

In an important new book, Jewish Fundamentalism In Israel , Israel Shahak and Norton

Mezvinksy provide a thorough assessment of this phenomenon in modern Israel. The

authors trace the history and development of Jewish fundamentalism, examining the

various strains, and identify the messianic tendency which they believe to be the most

dangerous.

Israel Shahak, an Israeli and a Holocaust survivor, is a retired professor at the

Hebrew University and a leading human rights activist. Norton Mezvinsky is a professor

of history at Central Connecticut State University who has written and lectured

extensively on the modern Middle East.

The authors point out that “…the adherents of Jewish fundamentalism in Israel oppose

equality for all citizens, especially non-Jews.” The respected Israeli sociologist

Baruch Kimmerling, citing evidence from a study conducted by other scholars, declared:

“The value of the [Jewish] religion, at least in its Orthodox and nationalistic form

that prevails in Israel, cannot be squared with democratic values. No other

variable—neither nationality, nor attitudes about security, nor social or economic

values, nor ethnic descent and education—so influences the attitudes of [Israeli] Jews

against democratic values as does religiousity.”

What particularly concerns the authors is the total contempt which Jewish

fundamentalists show toward non-Jews. Rabbi Kook the Elder, the revered father of the

messianic tendency of Jewish fundamentalism, said, “The difference between a Jewish

soul and souls of non-Jews—all of them in all different levels—is greater and deeper

than the difference between a human soul and the souls of cattle.”

Rabbi Kook’s entire teaching, which is followed devoutly by, among others, those who

have led the settler movement on the occupied West Bank, is based upon the Lurianic

Cabbala, the school of Jewish mysticism that dominated Judaism from the late16th to the

early 19th century. “One of the basic tenets of the Lurianic Cabbala,” the authors

write, “is the absolute superiority of the Jewish soul and body over the non-Jewish

soul and body. According to the Lurianic Cabbala, the world was created solely for the

sake of Jews; the existence of non-Jews was subsidiary. If an influential Christian

bishop or Islamic scholar argued that the difference between the superior souls of

non-Jews and the inferior souls of Jews was greater than the difference between the

human soul and souls of cattle, he would incur the wrath of all and be viewed as an

anti-Semite by most Jewish scholars regardless of whatever less meaningful, positive

statements he included.”

The scholarly authors of books about Jewish mysticism and the Lurianic Cabbala, such as

Gershon Scholem, have, the authors charge, “willfully omitted reference to such ideas.

These authors are supreme hypocrites. They are analogous to many authors of books on

Stalin and Stalinism. Until recently, people who read only the books written by

Stalinists could not know about Stalin’s crimes and would have false notions of the

Stalinist regimes and their real ideologies.”

According to the ideologies which underlie Gush Emunim, the militant West Bank settlers

group, and Hasidism, non-Jews have “satanic souls” Shahak and Mezvinsky note that “the

role of Satan, whose earthly embodiment according to the Cabbala is every non-Jew, has

been minimized or not mentioned by authors who have not written about the Cabbala in

Hebrew. Such authors, therefore, have not conveyed to readers accurate accounts of

general NRP (National Religious Party) or its hardcore Gush Emunim politics.”

Common to both the Talmud and Halacha, Orthodox religious law, is a differentiation

between Jews and non-Jews. The late, highly revered Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson,

the “Lubovitcher Rebbe” who headed the Chabad movement and wielded great influence in

Israel as well as in the U.S., explained that, “The difference between a Jewish and a

non-Jewish person stems from the common expression: ‘Let us differentiate.’ Thus, we do

not have a case of profound change in which a person is merely on a superior level.

Rather, we have a case of ‘let us differentiate’ between totally different species.

This is what needs to be said about the body: the body of a Jewish person is of a

totally different quality from the body of [members] of all nations of the world…A

non-Jew’s entire reality is only vanity. It is written, ‘And the strangers shall guard

and feed your flocks’ (Isaiah 61:5). The entire creation [of a non-Jew] exists only for

the sake of the Jews…”

Rabbi Schneerson always supported Israeli wars and opposed any retreat. In 1974 he

strongly opposed the Israeli withdrawal from the Suez area. He promised Israel divine

favors if it persisted in occupying the land. After his death, thousands of his Israeli

followers played an important role in the election victory of Binyamin Netanyahu. Among

the religious settlers in the occupied territories, the Chabad Hassids constitute one

of the most extreme groups. Baruch Goldstein, the mass murderer of Palestinians, was

one of them.

Rabbi Yitzhak Ginsburgh, who wrote a chapter of a book in praise of Goldstein and what

he did, is another member of this group. An immigrant to Israel from the U.S., Rabbi

Ginsburgh speaks freely of Jews’ genetic-based, spiritual superiority over non-Jews.

“If you saw two people drowning, a Jew and a non-Jew, the Torah says you save the

Jewish life first,” Ginsburgh states. “If every simple cell in a Jewish body entails

divinity, is a part of God, then every strand of DNA is part of God. Therefore,

something is special about Jewish DNA…If a Jew needs a liver, can you take the liver of

an innocent non-Jew passing by to save him? The Torah would probably permit that.

Jewish life has an infinite value.”

Shahak and Mezvinsky point out that, “Changing the words ‘Jewish’ to ‘German’ or

‘Aryan’ and ‘non-Jewish’ to ‘Jewish’ turns the Ginsburgh position into the doctrine

that made Auschwitz possible in the past. To a considerable extent the German Nazi

success depended upon that ideology and upon its implications of being widely known

early. Disregarding even on a limited scale the potential effects of messianic,

Lubavitch and other ideologies could prove to be calamitous…The similarities between

the Jewish political messianic trend and German Nazism are glaring. The Gentiles are

for the messianists what the Jews were for the Nazis. The hatred of Western culture

with its rational and democratic elements is common to both movements… The ideology…is

both eschatological and messianic. It resembles in this respect prior Jewish religious

doctrines as well as similar trends in Christianity and Islam. This ideology assumes

the imminent coming of the Messiah and asserts that the Jews, aided by God, will

thereafter triumph over the non-Jews and rule over them forever.”

Members of Gush Emunim argue that “what appears to be confiscation of Arab-owned land

for subsequent settlement by Jews is in reality not an act of stealing but one of

sanctification. From their perspective the land is redeemed by being transferred from

the satanic to the divine sphere…the Gush Emunim rabbis assert that this one messianic

sect has to handle and lead the ass-like Jews, who have been corrupted by satanic

Western culture, with its rationality and democracy and who refuse to renounce their

beastly habits and embrace the true faith. To further the process, the use of force is

permitted wherever necessary.”

The Jewish fundamentalists believe that God gave all of the Land of Israel (including

present-day Lebanon and other areas) to the Jews and that Arabs living in Israel are

viewed as thieves. Rabbi Israel Ariel, a fundamentalist leader, published an atlas that

designated all lands that were Jewish and needed to be liberated. This included all

areas west and south of the Euphrates River extending through most of Syria, much of

Iraq, and present-day Kuwait.

Rabbi Shlomo Aviner, another spokesman, said, “We must live in this land even at the

price of war. Moreover, even if there is peace, we must instigate wars of liberation in

order to conquer it [the land].”

Mordechai Nisan, a lecturer at the Hebrew University, expressed this view in an

official publication of the World Zionist Organization. Relying on Maimonides, he said

that a non-Jew permitted to reside in the land of Israel “must accept paying a tax and

suffering the humiliation of servitude.” He said that non-Jews must not be appointed to

any office or position of power over Jews.

When it comes to Baruch Goldstein’s murder of 29 Palestinians at prayer,

fundamentalists refuse to acknowledge that such an act constitutes “murder” because,

according to the Halacha, “the killing by a Jew of a non-Jew under any circumstances is

not regarded as murder. It may be prohibited for other reasons, especially when it

causes danger for Jews.” When asked if he was sorry about the murdered Arabs, militant

Rabbi Moshe Levenger declared: “I am sorry not only about dead Arabs but about dead

flies.”

For the fundamentalists, Goldstein became a hero. Military guards transported his

coffin to Kiryat Arba through Palestinian villages. Rabbi Dov Lior in a eulogy stated

that, “Goldstein was full of love for fellow human beings. He dedicated himself to

helping others.” Authors Shahak and Mezvinsky write that, “The terms ‘human beings’ and

‘others’ in the Halacha refer solely to Jews.”

Although messianic fundamentalists constitute a relatively small portion of the Israeli

population, their political influence has been growing. If they have contempt for

non-Jews, their hatred for Jews who oppose their views is even greater.

The murder of Yitzhak Rabin, the authors show, is one in a long line of murders of Jews

who followed a path different from that ordained by rabbinic authorities. They cite

case after case, from the Middle Ages until the 19th century.

One typical example was the assassination by poison of Rabbi Avraham Cohen in Lemberg,

Austria on Sept. 6, 1848.

Assuming his rabbinical position in 1844, Cohen initiated changes in Jewish life. His

most important initiative was his attempt to abolish taxes on kosher meat and sabbath

candles which Lemberg’s Jews paid to Austrian authorities. These taxes were burdensome

for poor Jews but were a source of income for many Orthodox Jewish notables.

The Austrian authorities accepted Cohen’s request and abolished the taxes in March

1848. The five Jewish notables of the town began a total struggle against Rabbi Cohen.

Critics argued that the “law of the pursuer” applied to the rabbi. One placard said:

“He is one of those Jewish sinners for which the Talmud says their blood is permitted”

(that is, every Jew can and should kill them). On Sept. 6, a Jewish assassin

successfully entered the rabbi’s home unseen, went to the kitchen and put arsenic

poison in a pot of soup that was cooking. Both Rabbi Cohen and his small daughter died.

The Hassids and their leaders did not attend the funeral, but celebrated.

It was precisely the same Talmudic laws that caused Rabbi Cohen’s death which were used

to murder Yitzhak Rabin. Yigal Amir, Rabin’s assassin, cited the “law of the pursuer”

(din rodef) and the “Law of the informer” (din moser). The first law commands every Jew

to kill or to wound severely any Jew who is perceived as intending to kill another Jew.

According to halachic commentaries, it is not necessary to see such a person pursuing a

Jewish victim. It is enough if rabbinic authorities, or even competent scholars,

announce that the law of the pursuer applies. The second law commands every Jew to kill

or wound severely any Jew who, without a decision of a competent rabbinic authority,

has informed non-Jews about Jewish affairs or has given them information about Jewish

property or who has delivered Jewish persons or property to their rule or authority.

The authors write: “The land of Israel has been and still is considered by all

religious Jews as being the exclusive property of the Jews. Granting Palestinians

authority over any part of this land could be interpreted as informing. Some religious

Jews interpreted the relations that developed between Rabin and the Palestinian

Authority as causing harm to the Jewish settlers. In this sense, Rabin had informed.”

For the future, the authors fear the growth of such fundamentalism just as the

prospects for peace have dramatically improved. They note that, “It should not be

forgotten that democracy and the rule of law were brought into Judaism from the

outside. Before the advent of the modern state, Jewish communities were mostly ruled by

rabbis who employed arbitrary and cruel methods as bad as those employed by

totalitarian regimes. The dearest wish of the current Jewish fundamentalists is to

restore this state of affairs.”

This book should be a wake-up call to many Americans, particularly Jewish supporters of

Israel who are not aware of the nature of the fundamentalism which is growing strong in

that country. This fundamentalism is increasing in influence as a result of Israel’s

electoral system, which bestows power to minority parties far beyond their

representation in the population. The authors declare: “We believe that awareness is

the necessary first step in opposition.” Professors Shahak and Mezvinsky have done a

notable service for men and women of goodwill of all religious traditions by pointing

to the ideological roadblocks to genuine peace which must be overcome.
 

mashdi

Football Legend
Sep 29, 2005
39,274
1
#2
Israel Shahak died 5 years ago.here is an obituary by Hitchens:


Israel Shahak, 1933-2001

Christopher Hitchens

In early June I sat on a panel, in front of a large and mainly Arab
audience, with Thomas Friedman of the New York Times. Our hosts, the
American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, had asked for a
discussion of contrasting images of the Israel-Palestine conflict.
The general tempo of the meeting was encouragingly nontribal; there
were many criticisms of Arab regimes and societies, and one of our
co-panelists, Raghida Dergham, had recently been indicted in her
absence by a Lebanese military prosecutor for the offense of sharing
a panel discussion with an Israeli. However, it's safe to say that
most of those attending were aching for a chance to question
Friedman in person. He was accused directly at one point of writing
in a lofty and condescending manner about the Palestinian people. To
this he replied hotly and eloquently, saying that he had always
believed that "the Jewish people will never be at home in Palestine
until the Palestinian people are at home there."
That was well said, and I hadn't at the time read his
then-most-recent column, so I didn't think to reply. But in that
article he wrote that Chairman Arafat, by his endless
double-dealing, had emptied the well of international sympathy for
his cause. This is a very Times-ish rhetoric, of course. You have to
think about it for a second. It suggests that rights, for
Palestinians, are not something innate or inalienable. They are,
instead, a reward for good behavior, or for getting a good press.
It's hard to get more patronizing than that. During the first
intifada, in the late 1980s, the Palestinians denied themselves the
recourse to arms, mounted a civil resistance, produced voices like
Hanan Ashrawi and greatly stirred world opinion. For this they were
offered some noncontiguous enclaves within an Israeli-controlled and
Israeli-settled condominium. Better than nothing, you might say. But
it's the very deal the Israeli settlers reject in their own case,
and they do not even live in Israel "proper." (They just have the
support of the armed forces of Israel "proper.") So now things are
not so nice and many Palestinians have turned violent and
even--whatever next?--religious and fanatical. Naughty, naughty. No
self-determination for you. And this from those who achieved
statehood not by making nice but as a consequence of some very
ruthless behavior indeed.
I am writing these lines in memoriam for my dear friend and comrade
Dr. Israel Shahak, who died on July 2. His home on Bartenura Street
in Jerusalem was a library of information about the human rights of
the oppressed. The families of prisoners, the staff of closed and
censored publications, the victims of eviction and
confiscation--none were ever turned away. I have met influential
"civil society" Palestinians alive today who were protected as
students when Israel was a professor of chemistry at the Hebrew
University; from him they learned never to generalize about Jews.
And they respected him not just for his consistent stand against
discrimination but also because--he never condescended to them. He
detested nationalism and religion and made no secret of his contempt
for the grasping Arafat entourage. But, as he once put it to me, "I
will now only meet with Palestinian spokesmen when we are out of the
country. I have some severe criticisms to present to them. But I
cannot do this while they are living under occupation and I can
'visit' them as a privileged citizen." This apparently small point
of ethical etiquette contains almost the whole dimension of what is
missing from our present discourse: the element of elementary
dignity and genuine mutual recognition.

Shahak's childhood was spent in Nazified Poland, the Warsaw Ghetto
and Bergen-Belsen concentration camp; at the end of the war he was
the only male left in his family. He reached Palestine before
statehood, in 1945. In 1956 he heard David Ben-Gurion make a
demagogic speech about the Anglo-French-Israeli attack on Egypt,
referring to this dirty war as a campaign for "the kingdom of David
and Solomon." That instilled in him the germinal feelings of
opposition. By the end of his life, he had produced a scholarly body
of work that showed the indissoluble connection between messianic
delusions and racial and political ones. He had also, during his
chairmanship of the Israeli League for Human and Civil Rights, set a
personal example that would be very difficult to emulate.
He had no heroes and no dogmas and no party allegiances. If he
admitted to any intellectual model, it would have been Spinoza. For
Shahak, the liberation of the Jewish people was an aspect of the
Enlightenment, and involved their own self-emancipation from ghetto
life and from clerical control, no less than from ancient "Gentile"
prejudice. It therefore naturally ensued that Jews should never
traffic in superstitions or racial myths; they stood to lose the
most from the toleration of such rubbish. And it went almost without
saying that there could be no defensible Jewish excuse for denying
the human rights of others. He was a brilliant and devoted student
of the archeology of Jerusalem and Palestine: I would give anything
for a videotape of the conducted tours of the city that he gave me,
and of the confrontation in which he vanquished one of the
propagandist guides on the heights of Masada. For him, the built and
the written record made it plain that Palestine had never been the
exclusive possession of any one people, let alone any one "faith."

Only the other day, I read some sanguinary proclamation from the
rabbinical commander of the Shas party, Ovadia Yosef, himself much
sought after by both Ehud Barak and Ariel Sharon. It was a vulgar
demand for the holy extermination of non-Jews; the vilest effusions
of Hamas and Islamic Jihad would have been hard-pressed to match it.
The man wants a dictatorial theocracy for Jews and helotry or
expulsion for the Palestinians, and he sees (as Shahak did in
reverse) the connection. This is not a detail; Yosef's government
receives an enormous US subsidy, and his intended victims live (and
die, every day) under a Pax Americana. Men like Shahak, who force us
to face these reponsibilities, are naturally rare. He was never
interviewed by the New York Times, and its obituary pages have let
pass the death of a great and serious man.
 

takbetak

Elite Member
Apr 27, 2006
2,658
1,428
#4
Mehman said:
Interesting...Thanks.
welcome.

this is an intriguing issue.to what extent the jewish hezis and the jewish orthodox akhoonds(rabbis) have influence over the policy making decisions.the role of the orthodox parties in several coalition governments in Israel's recent history.the politics of the "settlers" VS "none-settlers",etc.
anybody who has further links,articles or other references,please post it here.it certainly helps one understand one component of this complex Middle East puzzle.
 

mashdi

Football Legend
Sep 29, 2005
39,274
1
#5
mashdi would pay to see Rabbi Shlomo Aviner(jewish hezi)go against Ayatollah Mesbah,with Reverend Pat Robertson in line to take the winner!!!:devil-smi
 

beystr 2.0

Bench Warmer
Jul 9, 2006
1,983
0
#6
All societies have fanatics, Hezi's....etc......the question IMO is whether Palastinians brought this upon themselves or Israel is the sole oppressor?..in a just world we are all seeking....don't Kurds deserve to have a country of their own ahead of Palastinians?