If you have time...
http://edition.cnn.com/US/2009.year.in.review/index.html
نحوه رای دهی پیشنهادی (تا به امروز) به منظور دنبال نمودن هدف بالا
================================================
1. Massive protests flood Iran's streets after disputed votes
2. U.S. hands security of Iraqi towns, cities to Iraqi forces
3. First Hispanic Supreme Court justice Stomayor sworn in
4. Protests flare as nations discuss reducing greenhouse gases
5. Oscar-winning director Polanski arrested on 1970s sex charge
6. Obama addresses Congress to appeal for health care reform
7. Obama wins Nobel Peace Prize; White House surprised
8. 228 dead after Air France jet crashes into Atlantic
9. U.S. announces most troops out of Iraq by late 2010
10. Obama: 30,000 more troops to go to Afghanistan
http://edition.cnn.com/US/2009.year.in.review/index.html
نحوه رای دهی پیشنهادی (تا به امروز) به منظور دنبال نمودن هدف بالا
================================================
1. Massive protests flood Iran's streets after disputed votes
2. U.S. hands security of Iraqi towns, cities to Iraqi forces
3. First Hispanic Supreme Court justice Stomayor sworn in
4. Protests flare as nations discuss reducing greenhouse gases
5. Oscar-winning director Polanski arrested on 1970s sex charge
6. Obama addresses Congress to appeal for health care reform
7. Obama wins Nobel Peace Prize; White House surprised
8. 228 dead after Air France jet crashes into Atlantic
9. U.S. announces most troops out of Iraq by late 2010
10. Obama: 30,000 more troops to go to Afghanistan
For those in iran:
حذف پرتره آقا از سطح شهر با تخم***مرغ
.fullpost{display:inline;} .teaser{display:none;}
فقط با دو تا گوله تخم***مرغی
بعد از یه روز کلن کشیدن ش پایین
یکی از بچه***ها، عکس آقا رو توی بزرگراه آزادگان با گوله تخم***مرغی سبز کرده:
بعد از یه روز مجبور شدن جمع***ش کنن
با عکس، روش ساخت گوله***هاش رو هم برامون فرستاده:
ابزار مورد نیاز: - تخم***مرغ،
- رنگ،
- چسب چوب برای چسبندگی بیشتر (نسبت ۱ به ۳ یا ۱ به ۴)،
- میخ بزرگ یا درفش یا تیر دارت یا ...،
- سرنگ یا قیف کوچک،
- چسب نواری.
یه سوراخ رو تخم***مرغ درست کنین. محتوی ش رو خارج کنین برای آشپزی.
با سرنگ، رنگ رو بریزین توش (پُرش نکنین).
حالا یه کم چسب چوب اضافه کنین (نسبت چسب چوب به رنگ: ۱ به ۳ یا ۱ به ۴)
بعدش مهر و موم ش کنین.
http://www.divarnevis.com/2010/01/blog-post.html
حذف پرتره آقا از سطح شهر با تخم***مرغ
.fullpost{display:inline;} .teaser{display:none;}
بعد از یه روز کلن کشیدن ش پایین
یکی از بچه***ها، عکس آقا رو توی بزرگراه آزادگان با گوله تخم***مرغی سبز کرده:
بعد از یه روز مجبور شدن جمع***ش کنن
با عکس، روش ساخت گوله***هاش رو هم برامون فرستاده:
ابزار مورد نیاز: - تخم***مرغ،
- رنگ،
- چسب چوب برای چسبندگی بیشتر (نسبت ۱ به ۳ یا ۱ به ۴)،
- میخ بزرگ یا درفش یا تیر دارت یا ...،
- سرنگ یا قیف کوچک،
- چسب نواری.
یه سوراخ رو تخم***مرغ درست کنین. محتوی ش رو خارج کنین برای آشپزی.
با سرنگ، رنگ رو بریزین توش (پُرش نکنین).
حالا یه کم چسب چوب اضافه کنین (نسبت چسب چوب به رنگ: ۱ به ۳ یا ۱ به ۴)
بعدش مهر و موم ش کنین.
http://www.divarnevis.com/2010/01/blog-post.html
Heavy Presence of Basij Militia at Sajad University of Mashhad
Saham News Website: There has been a heavy presence of Basij militia at Sajad University of Mashhad since this morning. Around noon, riot police entered the university and with no explanation arrested 10 students, closed down the office of the Islamic Committee of Students, and tore down their posters and announcements. Police vans are parked in front of the university’s entrance and they throw into the van anyone they suspect.
Saham News Website: There has been a heavy presence of Basij militia at Sajad University of Mashhad since this morning. Around noon, riot police entered the university and with no explanation arrested 10 students, closed down the office of the Islamic Committee of Students, and tore down their posters and announcements. Police vans are parked in front of the university’s entrance and they throw into the van anyone they suspect.
From The Sunday Times
January 3, 2010
Haleh Esfandiari: I would not let them break me
Accused by Iran of aiding a US plot, this grandmother was flung into Evin jail. She tells
div#related-article-links p a, div#related-article-links p a:visited { color:#06c; } When Haleh Esfandiari caught sight of the moon last week as she drove home from her Washington office, she shivered. During 105 days of solitary confinement in Iran’s notorious Evin prison, a place from which many never emerge, it was glimpses of the crescent moon through her cell bars that marked the passing months. “Seeing it again reminds me how lonely I felt,” she says.
Today, in her book-lined office in the Woodrow Wilson Center (a Washington think tank), a vase of yellow tulips on the table, the horrors of the prison that symbolises Iran’s repressive regime seem far away.
Esfandiari says not a day passes without her thinking about it. The past week has brought a sharp reminder — about 20 prominent figures have been thrown into Evin by security forces who opened fire on protesters, killing at least 10. It was the bloodiest crackdown since the aftermath of elections in June when President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s disputed victory brought thousands onto the streets.
We met last Wednesday — exactly three years since the start of an ordeal that saw her undergo six months of interrogation followed by almost four more in a prison where many simply disappear. Her story, written in a moving book called My Prison, My Home, reveals the depths of paranoia of the Iranian regime.
It is hard to imagine how anyone could have thought that this then 67-year-old grandmother visiting her frail 93-year-old mother in Tehran was a threat. But to the Iranian authorities she was the key figure in an American plot to bring down the regime.
“I was a disposable chess piece in a contest between Iran and the United States,” she says. “My adopted country and the country of my birth were engaged in a dangerous undeclared war and I was caught up in it.”
Yet she knows she was lucky to emerge to tell the tale. Another Iranian-American scholar, Kian Tajbakhsh, who was arrested at the same time as her was recently condemned at a show trial to 12 years in prison.
Esfandiari’s own nightmare began on December 30, 2006, when she was about to fly back to Washington. She had spent Christmas with her mother — an Austrian who had lived in Iran since the 1930s after meeting her husband at Vienna University.
Esfandiari had not lived in Iran herself since following her husband Shaul to America on the eve of the revolution 30 years ago. She taught Persian at Princeton, wrote a book on Iranian women and was then asked to set up a Middle East programme at the Wilson centre.
She had been making trips home since 1992 to visit her widowed mother. But since the election of Ahmadinejad in 2005 she was careful whom she met, well aware of the sensitivities. Her precautions were not enough. On the way to Tehran airport, her taxi was forced over and her passport stolen in what she later realised was a staged robbery. She applied for a new one, but day after day for months on end she would be summoned to intelligence ministry buildings and questioned about her supposed role in American attempts to foment revolution.
“It was like a Kafka novel that moved from place to place and got worse and worse. At each step as they escalated the pressure they thought I’d break down and ‘confess’ or go along with what they wanted me to say,” she says.
Determined not to give in, Esfandiari’s worst fears were realised when she was taken to Evin prison. She was only too aware of the case of the Canadian-Iranian photographer Zahra Kazemi who was arrested in 2003 for taking photographs in front of the prison and died within its walls. The Iranian government blamed a stroke but doctors examining Kazemi’s body found evidence of rape, torture and a fractured skull.
Esfandiari was placed in ward 209 for women political prisoners, in a cell where the lights stayed on day and night. Although terrified, she was not to be broken. “I thought, ‘I’m 67, I’ve had a very good life, I don’t have small children dependent on me. I’m not going to live with the sense that I’d betrayed myself.’
“Once I’d accepted the fact they might execute me, torture me or put me on trial, it was easier to cope with the pressure and solitary confinement.”
She admits: “I did have moments of total despair. Every time I wanted to cry I’d go in the shower or do it at night wearing the blindfold I wore to interrogation. I was completely cut off from the outside world.”
Each day she would be blindfolded and taken off for eight hours of questioning. “We’d go over and over the same material,” she said.
To keep sane, she exercised using water bottles as dumbbells. The six women guards were her only human contact. They would confide in her their weight problems. While Esfandiari lost 20lb because of lack of food, one of her guards wore a vibrating belt to try to achieve a flat stomach.
Once or twice a week she was allowed to call her mother with a guard listening in, but she was not allowed to meet her lawyer, the Nobel laureate Shirin Ebadi, and Ebadi was refused access to her case.
Esfandiari was finally released after a television interview that she says was cut to make it appear she was “confessing”. Unaware of the international uproar over her case, she was astonished to be allowed out.
Now that more than two years have passed, she no longer has nightmares. But, she says, “reading about Evin in the papers brings back memories”. She believes the Revolutionary Guards are now running the prison. “The intelligence ministry is scary enough, but at least you felt they had their orders and a certain amount of experience,” she says. “The Revolutionary Guards think they can just intimidate and make people confess very quickly.”
She believes they are making a big mistake. “These protesters won’t be intimidated by arrests or killings,” she says. “Something fundamental has changed in Iran. For the last six months it has not been able to repress these young people.”
President Barack Obama, she says, was right to try to engage the regime and when this failed, to speak out harshly, as he did last week. The US government is now expected to impose sanctions on Iran, which failed to meet a year-end deadline to allow international inspection of its nuclear programme.
However, Esfandiari is not convinced the regime will collapse, pointing out that many still believe in it or have been co-opted through money or fear. One of her biggest disappointments was realising that her mother’s taxi driver was an informer after he drove her into the fake robbery.
“My mother relied on him to take her to the bank or shopping or my father’s grave. We trusted him and that’s how he paid us back. People are being co-opted because they are frightened. But he could have said something to my mother like ‘tell your daughter not to come’.”
It was her mother who suffered most during her incarceration, she thinks. “It was a terrible strain. She was this 93-year-old lady who could barely see and was hard of hearing but was my only link to the outside. When they let me out she had to sign over her apartment as bail.”
Esfandiari’s eyes fill with tears as she tells of how her mother died in June and she was unable to be there. “I think I can forgive them for putting me in jail even if I can’t forget. But I can’t forgive them for not being able to go to Tehran when my mother passed away.
“You know, when I left Iran after I was released, I looked out of the plane window and thought, ‘I’m not going to say goodbye, just so long.’ Maybe one day I’ll go back. I want to go and see my mother’s grave.”
My Prison, My Home: One Woman’s Story of Captivity in Iran, by Haleh Esfandiari, will be published by Harper Press on Thursday at £16.99
January 3, 2010
Haleh Esfandiari: I would not let them break me
Accused by Iran of aiding a US plot, this grandmother was flung into Evin jail. She tells
div#related-article-links p a, div#related-article-links p a:visited { color:#06c; } When Haleh Esfandiari caught sight of the moon last week as she drove home from her Washington office, she shivered. During 105 days of solitary confinement in Iran’s notorious Evin prison, a place from which many never emerge, it was glimpses of the crescent moon through her cell bars that marked the passing months. “Seeing it again reminds me how lonely I felt,” she says.
Today, in her book-lined office in the Woodrow Wilson Center (a Washington think tank), a vase of yellow tulips on the table, the horrors of the prison that symbolises Iran’s repressive regime seem far away.
Esfandiari says not a day passes without her thinking about it. The past week has brought a sharp reminder — about 20 prominent figures have been thrown into Evin by security forces who opened fire on protesters, killing at least 10. It was the bloodiest crackdown since the aftermath of elections in June when President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s disputed victory brought thousands onto the streets.
We met last Wednesday — exactly three years since the start of an ordeal that saw her undergo six months of interrogation followed by almost four more in a prison where many simply disappear. Her story, written in a moving book called My Prison, My Home, reveals the depths of paranoia of the Iranian regime.
It is hard to imagine how anyone could have thought that this then 67-year-old grandmother visiting her frail 93-year-old mother in Tehran was a threat. But to the Iranian authorities she was the key figure in an American plot to bring down the regime.
“I was a disposable chess piece in a contest between Iran and the United States,” she says. “My adopted country and the country of my birth were engaged in a dangerous undeclared war and I was caught up in it.”
Yet she knows she was lucky to emerge to tell the tale. Another Iranian-American scholar, Kian Tajbakhsh, who was arrested at the same time as her was recently condemned at a show trial to 12 years in prison.
Esfandiari’s own nightmare began on December 30, 2006, when she was about to fly back to Washington. She had spent Christmas with her mother — an Austrian who had lived in Iran since the 1930s after meeting her husband at Vienna University.
Esfandiari had not lived in Iran herself since following her husband Shaul to America on the eve of the revolution 30 years ago. She taught Persian at Princeton, wrote a book on Iranian women and was then asked to set up a Middle East programme at the Wilson centre.
She had been making trips home since 1992 to visit her widowed mother. But since the election of Ahmadinejad in 2005 she was careful whom she met, well aware of the sensitivities. Her precautions were not enough. On the way to Tehran airport, her taxi was forced over and her passport stolen in what she later realised was a staged robbery. She applied for a new one, but day after day for months on end she would be summoned to intelligence ministry buildings and questioned about her supposed role in American attempts to foment revolution.
“It was like a Kafka novel that moved from place to place and got worse and worse. At each step as they escalated the pressure they thought I’d break down and ‘confess’ or go along with what they wanted me to say,” she says.
Determined not to give in, Esfandiari’s worst fears were realised when she was taken to Evin prison. She was only too aware of the case of the Canadian-Iranian photographer Zahra Kazemi who was arrested in 2003 for taking photographs in front of the prison and died within its walls. The Iranian government blamed a stroke but doctors examining Kazemi’s body found evidence of rape, torture and a fractured skull.
Esfandiari was placed in ward 209 for women political prisoners, in a cell where the lights stayed on day and night. Although terrified, she was not to be broken. “I thought, ‘I’m 67, I’ve had a very good life, I don’t have small children dependent on me. I’m not going to live with the sense that I’d betrayed myself.’
“Once I’d accepted the fact they might execute me, torture me or put me on trial, it was easier to cope with the pressure and solitary confinement.”
She admits: “I did have moments of total despair. Every time I wanted to cry I’d go in the shower or do it at night wearing the blindfold I wore to interrogation. I was completely cut off from the outside world.”
Each day she would be blindfolded and taken off for eight hours of questioning. “We’d go over and over the same material,” she said.
To keep sane, she exercised using water bottles as dumbbells. The six women guards were her only human contact. They would confide in her their weight problems. While Esfandiari lost 20lb because of lack of food, one of her guards wore a vibrating belt to try to achieve a flat stomach.
Once or twice a week she was allowed to call her mother with a guard listening in, but she was not allowed to meet her lawyer, the Nobel laureate Shirin Ebadi, and Ebadi was refused access to her case.
Esfandiari was finally released after a television interview that she says was cut to make it appear she was “confessing”. Unaware of the international uproar over her case, she was astonished to be allowed out.
Now that more than two years have passed, she no longer has nightmares. But, she says, “reading about Evin in the papers brings back memories”. She believes the Revolutionary Guards are now running the prison. “The intelligence ministry is scary enough, but at least you felt they had their orders and a certain amount of experience,” she says. “The Revolutionary Guards think they can just intimidate and make people confess very quickly.”
She believes they are making a big mistake. “These protesters won’t be intimidated by arrests or killings,” she says. “Something fundamental has changed in Iran. For the last six months it has not been able to repress these young people.”
President Barack Obama, she says, was right to try to engage the regime and when this failed, to speak out harshly, as he did last week. The US government is now expected to impose sanctions on Iran, which failed to meet a year-end deadline to allow international inspection of its nuclear programme.
However, Esfandiari is not convinced the regime will collapse, pointing out that many still believe in it or have been co-opted through money or fear. One of her biggest disappointments was realising that her mother’s taxi driver was an informer after he drove her into the fake robbery.
“My mother relied on him to take her to the bank or shopping or my father’s grave. We trusted him and that’s how he paid us back. People are being co-opted because they are frightened. But he could have said something to my mother like ‘tell your daughter not to come’.”
It was her mother who suffered most during her incarceration, she thinks. “It was a terrible strain. She was this 93-year-old lady who could barely see and was hard of hearing but was my only link to the outside. When they let me out she had to sign over her apartment as bail.”
Esfandiari’s eyes fill with tears as she tells of how her mother died in June and she was unable to be there. “I think I can forgive them for putting me in jail even if I can’t forget. But I can’t forgive them for not being able to go to Tehran when my mother passed away.
“You know, when I left Iran after I was released, I looked out of the plane window and thought, ‘I’m not going to say goodbye, just so long.’ Maybe one day I’ll go back. I want to go and see my mother’s grave.”
My Prison, My Home: One Woman’s Story of Captivity in Iran, by Haleh Esfandiari, will be published by Harper Press on Thursday at £16.99
Very brave young man
اعتصاب غذای یک فعال دانشجویی در اداره کل اطلاعات مازندران
شبکه جنبش راه سبز (جرس): محمد یوسف رشیدی ازدانشجویان دستگیر شده دانشگاه امیرکبیر دست به اعتصاب غذا زده است.
به گزارش جرس، رشیدی در روز ششم آذرماه در خانه پدری خود در نوشهر توسط وزارت اطلاعات بازداشت شد و تنها خبری که از خانواده اش در اختیار دوستان وی قرار گرفته است خبر اعتصاب غذای او در بازداشتگاه اداره کل اطلاعات استان مازندران است.
محمد یوسف رشیدی یکی از فعالان دانشجویی دانشگاه صنعتی امیر کبیر تهران است که در اعتراضات دانشجویی علیه حضور احمدی نژاد در دانشگاه نقش برجسته ای داشت و از زمان سخنرانی محمود احمدی نژاد در دانشگاه پلی تکنیک در تعلیق از تحصیل به سر می برد. او در هنگام سخنرانی احمدی نژاد پلاکارد بزرگی را در مقابل او بالا برده برد که روی آن نوشته شده بود:"رئیس جمهور فاشیست، پلی تکنیک جای تو نیست"
اعتصاب غذای یک فعال دانشجویی در اداره کل اطلاعات مازندران
شبکه جنبش راه سبز (جرس): محمد یوسف رشیدی ازدانشجویان دستگیر شده دانشگاه امیرکبیر دست به اعتصاب غذا زده است.
به گزارش جرس، رشیدی در روز ششم آذرماه در خانه پدری خود در نوشهر توسط وزارت اطلاعات بازداشت شد و تنها خبری که از خانواده اش در اختیار دوستان وی قرار گرفته است خبر اعتصاب غذای او در بازداشتگاه اداره کل اطلاعات استان مازندران است.
محمد یوسف رشیدی یکی از فعالان دانشجویی دانشگاه صنعتی امیر کبیر تهران است که در اعتراضات دانشجویی علیه حضور احمدی نژاد در دانشگاه نقش برجسته ای داشت و از زمان سخنرانی محمود احمدی نژاد در دانشگاه پلی تکنیک در تعلیق از تحصیل به سر می برد. او در هنگام سخنرانی احمدی نژاد پلاکارد بزرگی را در مقابل او بالا برده برد که روی آن نوشته شده بود:"رئیس جمهور فاشیست، پلی تکنیک جای تو نیست"
مراسم همدردی با قربانیان سرکوب در ایران
رادیو آلمان: هدف "جنبش سبز" در ایران استیفای حقوق مردم از راه***های مسالمت***آمیز است. ولی تاکنون به اعتراضات مردم با خشونت و ارعاب پاسخ داده شده است. ایرانیان خارج از کشور در همبستگی با مردم ایران تجمعاتی برگزار کردند.
در آلمان جمعیت***های گوناگون ایرانیان مهاجر، از شهروندان مقیم این کشور خواستند که روز دوم ژانویه در همبستگی با راه***پیمایان ایرانی که در دفاع از حقوق اولیه خود به خیابان رفته بودند، گردهمایی کنند.
در تظاهرات روز عاشورا، که با حضور جمعیتی بی***شمار در تهران و چند شهر دیگر برگزار شد، به گفته منابع رسمی حداقل ۸ نفر جان خود را از دست دادند. به دنبال ماجرای روز عاشورا و قدرت***نمایی محافل وابسته به حاکمیت، عده***ی بیشماری دستگیر شدند که برخی منابع عده آنها را تا ۲ هزار نفر برآورد کرده***اند.
تجمعات ایرانیان در خارج از کشور
در آلمان به دعوت جمعیت "اتحاد برای ایران" از جمله در شهرهای هامبورگ، برلين، کلن، بن، دوسلدرف، فرانکفورت، مونيخ، هايدلبرگ و چند شهر دیگر تجمعاتی برگزار شد که در آنها برخی اتباع کشورهای دیگر نیز در کنار ایرانیان شرکت داشتند.
گردهمایی***ها در آلمان به صورت "زنجیر نور" برگزار شد. از شرکت***کنندگان خواسته شده بود به نشان عزاداری برای قربانیان جنبش اعتراضی، با جامه***ی سیاه و شمع در دست در مراسم شرکت کنند.
به موازات گردهمایی***هایی که روز شنبه (۲ ژانویه) در آلمان برگزار شد، در بسیاری از شهرهای دیگر از کانادا و آمریکا تا هلند و پاریس نیز صدها نفر در همبستگی با پیروان جنبش اعتراضی به خیابان رفتند. در پاریس و لندن و چند پایتخت دیگر، ایرانیان در برابر سفارتخانه***های ایران تجمع کردند. در این تجمعات سرکوب خونین اعتراضات مسالمت***آمیز مردم تقبیح شد.
همبستگی با "مادران عزادار"
اکسیون***های برگزار شده به دور از گرایش سیاسی مشخص، و تنها در همدلی و همراهی با تمامی کسانی برگزار شد که «از ۷ ماه پیش در خيابان***های شهرهای ايران به تظاهرات مسالمت***آميز می******پردازند.» هدف آن است که جهانیان صدای مظلومیت مردم ایران را بشنوند و ایرانیان نیز بدانند که در مبارزه با استبداد و اختناق تنها نیستند.
در بسیاری از شهرهای آلمان و فرانسه و سوئد گروه***های "مادران عزادار" شکل گرفته، که هدف اصلی خود را همبستگی با جمعیت "مادران عزادار" در ایران اعلام کرده***اند. جمعیت یادشده با شرکت مادرانی تشکیل شده که در قتل فرزندان خود در جریان اعتراضات "جنبش سبز" به سوگ نشسته***اند.
رادیو آلمان: هدف "جنبش سبز" در ایران استیفای حقوق مردم از راه***های مسالمت***آمیز است. ولی تاکنون به اعتراضات مردم با خشونت و ارعاب پاسخ داده شده است. ایرانیان خارج از کشور در همبستگی با مردم ایران تجمعاتی برگزار کردند.
در آلمان جمعیت***های گوناگون ایرانیان مهاجر، از شهروندان مقیم این کشور خواستند که روز دوم ژانویه در همبستگی با راه***پیمایان ایرانی که در دفاع از حقوق اولیه خود به خیابان رفته بودند، گردهمایی کنند.
در تظاهرات روز عاشورا، که با حضور جمعیتی بی***شمار در تهران و چند شهر دیگر برگزار شد، به گفته منابع رسمی حداقل ۸ نفر جان خود را از دست دادند. به دنبال ماجرای روز عاشورا و قدرت***نمایی محافل وابسته به حاکمیت، عده***ی بیشماری دستگیر شدند که برخی منابع عده آنها را تا ۲ هزار نفر برآورد کرده***اند.
تجمعات ایرانیان در خارج از کشور
در آلمان به دعوت جمعیت "اتحاد برای ایران" از جمله در شهرهای هامبورگ، برلين، کلن، بن، دوسلدرف، فرانکفورت، مونيخ، هايدلبرگ و چند شهر دیگر تجمعاتی برگزار شد که در آنها برخی اتباع کشورهای دیگر نیز در کنار ایرانیان شرکت داشتند.
گردهمایی***ها در آلمان به صورت "زنجیر نور" برگزار شد. از شرکت***کنندگان خواسته شده بود به نشان عزاداری برای قربانیان جنبش اعتراضی، با جامه***ی سیاه و شمع در دست در مراسم شرکت کنند.
به موازات گردهمایی***هایی که روز شنبه (۲ ژانویه) در آلمان برگزار شد، در بسیاری از شهرهای دیگر از کانادا و آمریکا تا هلند و پاریس نیز صدها نفر در همبستگی با پیروان جنبش اعتراضی به خیابان رفتند. در پاریس و لندن و چند پایتخت دیگر، ایرانیان در برابر سفارتخانه***های ایران تجمع کردند. در این تجمعات سرکوب خونین اعتراضات مسالمت***آمیز مردم تقبیح شد.
همبستگی با "مادران عزادار"
اکسیون***های برگزار شده به دور از گرایش سیاسی مشخص، و تنها در همدلی و همراهی با تمامی کسانی برگزار شد که «از ۷ ماه پیش در خيابان***های شهرهای ايران به تظاهرات مسالمت***آميز می******پردازند.» هدف آن است که جهانیان صدای مظلومیت مردم ایران را بشنوند و ایرانیان نیز بدانند که در مبارزه با استبداد و اختناق تنها نیستند.
در بسیاری از شهرهای آلمان و فرانسه و سوئد گروه***های "مادران عزادار" شکل گرفته، که هدف اصلی خود را همبستگی با جمعیت "مادران عزادار" در ایران اعلام کرده***اند. جمعیت یادشده با شرکت مادرانی تشکیل شده که در قتل فرزندان خود در جریان اعتراضات "جنبش سبز" به سوگ نشسته***اند.
"نامه رضايى و بيانيه موسوى از يك مركز طراحى مى ***شود"
نامه رضايى به رهبر با واكنش تند روح الله حسينيان روبرو شد
تهران -خبرگزاریها,العربیه.نت
در پى ارسال نامه اى از سوى محسن رضايى به آيت الله خامنه اى رهبر جمهورى اسلامى ايران با اين مضمون كه "بيانيه اخير موسوى حامل نوعى عقب نشينى" از نفى مشروعيت دولت كنونى است، و راه را براى "مذاكره و آشتى ملى" مى گشايد، واكنش تند حسينيان از سران اصولگراى پارلمان روزنه اميد آشتى جويان درهر دو سوى اين نزاع را بست.
محسن رضايى دبير مجمع تشخيص مصلحت كه از شخصيت هاى نزديك به آيت الله هاشمى رفسنجانى رئيس اين مجمع و رئيس مجلس خبرگان رهبرى به شمار مى آيد، در نامه ى خود به رهبرى كه روز جمعه 1-1-2010 منتشر شد، پس از اشاره به "حضور باشکوه و ميليوني و یکپارچه ملت ایران در روز چهارشنبه" كه "نه تنها شرمندگی ناشی از اهانت به مراسم عاشورا را جبران کرد که در خنثی نمودن برنامه های دشمن نیز نقش بی بدیلی خواهد داشت"، خواهان بازگشت به وحدت در برابر دشمنان شد.
وى در اين نامه نوشت: "عقب نشینی آقای میر حسین موسوی از انکار دولت آقای احمدی نژاد و پیشنهاد سازنده ایشان به اینکه مجلس و قوه قضاییه به وظایف قانونی خود در قبال پاسخگو کردن دولت عمل کنند ، هر چند دیر هنگام بود ولی می تواند سر آغاز یک حرکت وحدت بخش در جبهه معترضین با دیگران باشد".
رضايى سپس افزود: "صدور پيامي از سوي حضرتعالي و يا رهنمودهايي در يك سخنراني مي تواند حركت جدیدی که برای وحدت ، همدلی ، برادری ،گذشت و ایثار در جامعه شروع شده را تقویت و استمرار بخشد تا هم کسانی که در جناحهای سیاسی اشتباهاتی داشته اند از اشتباه خود برگردند و همكارى با يكديگررا آغاز كنند و هم ازشروع فعاليت افراط گرايان جلوگيرى و دشمن كمين كرده را نا اميد سازند".
از سوى ديگر روح الله حسينيان رئيس فراكسيون انقلاب اسلامى در پارلمان ايران و رئيس ستاد اسناد اتقلاب اسلامى با رد هرگونه امكان سازشى با اصلاح طلبان و معترضان، در گفتگو با خبرگزارى پارس تاكيد كرد: "نامه رضايى و بيانيه موسوى از يك مركز مشترك طراحى مى ***شود"
وى در مورد اين مركز مشترك توضيحى نداد، ليكن اظهار داشت: "سخنان مشتركى چون اذعان به وجود بحران، محور قرار دادن اقتصاد، عمل كردن مجلس و قوه قضائيه به وظايف قانوني، محور مشتركى است كه در نامه و بيانيه سياسى محسن رضايى و مير حسين موسوى مشترك است كه اين امر نشان دهنده آن است كه اين گونه خواسته***هاى غير قانونى و احيانا شعارهاى حقى كه اراده باطل از آنها صادر شده، در يك مركز مشترك برنامه ريزى مي***شود و از حلقوم افرادى خاص خارج مي***شود".
روح الله حسينيان كه در ماجراى قتلهاى زنجيره اى در دوران رياست جمهورى رفسنجانى و اوايل دوران رياست جمهورى خاتمى نامش به كرات در مطبوعات مطرح شد، در باره دعوت رضايى به وحدت گفت: "اگر منظور از وحدت، وحدت با سران فتنه است كه همچنان بر طبل مخالفت و ايستادگى در راه شيطانى خود مي***كوبند، اين وحدت خيانت به ملت است."
وى افزود: "متاسفانه آقاى رضايى عقب نشينى نظام را، پيشنهاد سازنده در نامه سياسى خود مي***انگارد". رئيس كميسيون سياست داخلى و امور شوراهاى مجلس شوراى اسلامى همچنين گفت: "آقاى رضايى ظاهرا در راهپيمايى مردم تهران شركت كرده، اما به شعارهاى يكپارچه آنان كه خواستار برخورد قاطعانه با سران فتنه بود شايد نشنيده*** و يا به درستى آن را درك نكرده***است."
حسينيان بزرگترين جنايت سران فتنه را تضعيف بين المللى نظام مقدس جمهورى اسلامى دانست و خاطر نشان ساخت: "انتخابات باشكوهى كه بيش از 80 درصد مردم در آن شركت كردند و رئيس جمهور خود را براى اولين بار با بيش از 24 ميليون بر گزيدند؛ قطعا مي***توانست توازن قوا را به نفع جمهورى اسلامى رقم بزند اما اين خائنين فرصت طلايى مذكور را به يك ضعف تبديل كردند."
وى اين سؤال را مطرح كرد كه "اگر نظام اسلامى با سران فتنه سازش كند، چه كسى بايد پاسخ خون***هاى ريخته شده و شهادت ده***ها بسيجى و مجروح شدن صدها تن از ماموران نيروى انتظامى و به آتش كشيدن اموال عمومى و مردم را بدهد".
او ضمن برشمردن "تهمت تقلب به جمهورى اسلامى" به عنوان "بدترين جنايت هولناك" افزود: "قطعا صدور چنين نامه***هايى آب به آسيب دشمن ريختن است و موجب ترغيب و تشويق دشمن و سران فتنه به ادامه جنايت خود مي***شود".
نامه رضايى به رهبر با واكنش تند روح الله حسينيان روبرو شد
تهران -خبرگزاریها,العربیه.نت
در پى ارسال نامه اى از سوى محسن رضايى به آيت الله خامنه اى رهبر جمهورى اسلامى ايران با اين مضمون كه "بيانيه اخير موسوى حامل نوعى عقب نشينى" از نفى مشروعيت دولت كنونى است، و راه را براى "مذاكره و آشتى ملى" مى گشايد، واكنش تند حسينيان از سران اصولگراى پارلمان روزنه اميد آشتى جويان درهر دو سوى اين نزاع را بست.
محسن رضايى دبير مجمع تشخيص مصلحت كه از شخصيت هاى نزديك به آيت الله هاشمى رفسنجانى رئيس اين مجمع و رئيس مجلس خبرگان رهبرى به شمار مى آيد، در نامه ى خود به رهبرى كه روز جمعه 1-1-2010 منتشر شد، پس از اشاره به "حضور باشکوه و ميليوني و یکپارچه ملت ایران در روز چهارشنبه" كه "نه تنها شرمندگی ناشی از اهانت به مراسم عاشورا را جبران کرد که در خنثی نمودن برنامه های دشمن نیز نقش بی بدیلی خواهد داشت"، خواهان بازگشت به وحدت در برابر دشمنان شد.
وى در اين نامه نوشت: "عقب نشینی آقای میر حسین موسوی از انکار دولت آقای احمدی نژاد و پیشنهاد سازنده ایشان به اینکه مجلس و قوه قضاییه به وظایف قانونی خود در قبال پاسخگو کردن دولت عمل کنند ، هر چند دیر هنگام بود ولی می تواند سر آغاز یک حرکت وحدت بخش در جبهه معترضین با دیگران باشد".
رضايى سپس افزود: "صدور پيامي از سوي حضرتعالي و يا رهنمودهايي در يك سخنراني مي تواند حركت جدیدی که برای وحدت ، همدلی ، برادری ،گذشت و ایثار در جامعه شروع شده را تقویت و استمرار بخشد تا هم کسانی که در جناحهای سیاسی اشتباهاتی داشته اند از اشتباه خود برگردند و همكارى با يكديگررا آغاز كنند و هم ازشروع فعاليت افراط گرايان جلوگيرى و دشمن كمين كرده را نا اميد سازند".
از سوى ديگر روح الله حسينيان رئيس فراكسيون انقلاب اسلامى در پارلمان ايران و رئيس ستاد اسناد اتقلاب اسلامى با رد هرگونه امكان سازشى با اصلاح طلبان و معترضان، در گفتگو با خبرگزارى پارس تاكيد كرد: "نامه رضايى و بيانيه موسوى از يك مركز مشترك طراحى مى ***شود"
وى در مورد اين مركز مشترك توضيحى نداد، ليكن اظهار داشت: "سخنان مشتركى چون اذعان به وجود بحران، محور قرار دادن اقتصاد، عمل كردن مجلس و قوه قضائيه به وظايف قانوني، محور مشتركى است كه در نامه و بيانيه سياسى محسن رضايى و مير حسين موسوى مشترك است كه اين امر نشان دهنده آن است كه اين گونه خواسته***هاى غير قانونى و احيانا شعارهاى حقى كه اراده باطل از آنها صادر شده، در يك مركز مشترك برنامه ريزى مي***شود و از حلقوم افرادى خاص خارج مي***شود".
روح الله حسينيان كه در ماجراى قتلهاى زنجيره اى در دوران رياست جمهورى رفسنجانى و اوايل دوران رياست جمهورى خاتمى نامش به كرات در مطبوعات مطرح شد، در باره دعوت رضايى به وحدت گفت: "اگر منظور از وحدت، وحدت با سران فتنه است كه همچنان بر طبل مخالفت و ايستادگى در راه شيطانى خود مي***كوبند، اين وحدت خيانت به ملت است."
وى افزود: "متاسفانه آقاى رضايى عقب نشينى نظام را، پيشنهاد سازنده در نامه سياسى خود مي***انگارد". رئيس كميسيون سياست داخلى و امور شوراهاى مجلس شوراى اسلامى همچنين گفت: "آقاى رضايى ظاهرا در راهپيمايى مردم تهران شركت كرده، اما به شعارهاى يكپارچه آنان كه خواستار برخورد قاطعانه با سران فتنه بود شايد نشنيده*** و يا به درستى آن را درك نكرده***است."
حسينيان بزرگترين جنايت سران فتنه را تضعيف بين المللى نظام مقدس جمهورى اسلامى دانست و خاطر نشان ساخت: "انتخابات باشكوهى كه بيش از 80 درصد مردم در آن شركت كردند و رئيس جمهور خود را براى اولين بار با بيش از 24 ميليون بر گزيدند؛ قطعا مي***توانست توازن قوا را به نفع جمهورى اسلامى رقم بزند اما اين خائنين فرصت طلايى مذكور را به يك ضعف تبديل كردند."
وى اين سؤال را مطرح كرد كه "اگر نظام اسلامى با سران فتنه سازش كند، چه كسى بايد پاسخ خون***هاى ريخته شده و شهادت ده***ها بسيجى و مجروح شدن صدها تن از ماموران نيروى انتظامى و به آتش كشيدن اموال عمومى و مردم را بدهد".
او ضمن برشمردن "تهمت تقلب به جمهورى اسلامى" به عنوان "بدترين جنايت هولناك" افزود: "قطعا صدور چنين نامه***هايى آب به آسيب دشمن ريختن است و موجب ترغيب و تشويق دشمن و سران فتنه به ادامه جنايت خود مي***شود".
News » Investigative Report
Iranian insider predicts regime change
A leading figure in Iran's opposition movement says it is time to separate religion and politics
Published: 3/01/2010 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: Spectrum
Despite working for many years in the secrecy-shrouded intelligence section of the Iranian government, Mohammad Reza Madhi, 46, a former high-ranking officer in Iran's elite Revolutionary Guards' intelligence service and once the right-hand man of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has decided it is time to go public.
His exclusive interview with Spectrum was conducted as Iran's opposition leaders faced new threats with the state prosecutor warning they could be put on trial if they do not denounce last week's anti-government protests - the worst unrest since the immediate aftermath of the disputed June election.
The confrontation between Iran's clerical rulers and their opponents has returned to the streets in recent weeks, after a harsh crackdown immediately following the election had all but put an end to demonstrations. Despite a continuing tough response from security forces, the opposition movement has regained some momentum.
The son of the deposed Shah last week urged nations worldwide to withdraw their ambassadors from Teheran to protest against the relentless government crackdown on opposition demonstrators.
Reza Pahlavi, who has lived in exile since his father was toppled in the 1979 Islamic revolution, also appealed in a letter to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon for a UN investigation into human rights violations during the unrest.
Mr Pahlavi equated the climate of the unrest with the "revolutionary atmosphere" that preceded the fall of his father from the Peacock Throne 30 years ago, when the monarchy was replaced by an Islamic republic. The difference, he said, is that this time the people know what they want - a secular democracy.
Former intelligence chief Mr Madhi, who first worked for the Iranian government in 1981 in the army and the Revolutionary Guards' intelligence services, spoke out against the present government during a stopover in Bangkok last week.
In recent years he secretly passed information to Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri, one of the most respected clerics in Iran, who passed away on Dec 19, 2009.
Mr Madhi escaped from Iran in February 2008 after being sentenced to 73 years in jail for what he described as a trivial charge. Since then he has been working from abroad to organise opposition against the Iranian government.
He has been in regular contact with the Green Path of Hope group, an Iranian association established in August 2009 by the opposition leader, Mir-Hossein Mousavi, and also with other groups and individuals.
Q: How would you describe the current political and economic situation in Iran?
A: The way the Iranian government has chosen to go is the wrong one. They forget the promises they have made to the people. They took all the power in the country into their hands and have tried to run the country like it is their kingdom, similar to that of the Shah, who was overthrown in February 1979. The Shah wore the crown, but now the Ayatollahs wear turbans. It is the same thing. They run the country like a kingdom.
The government has destroyed Iran's international relations with many strong and powerful countries like the United States, European nations and others.
The economic situation is also very bad at this moment. It is zero. Instead of looking after its own people, the government supports those living in African countries, Palestine and in Venezuela.
Q: How many opposition groups are there in Iran, and are they united?
A: There are four major opposition groups and about 20 small ones. The big groups are united and are working with each other, but the small ones are not. However, they are all working for the same goal, which is to oust the government. I believe that the majority of people in Iran are against the government.
Q: What is the opposition's view of the United States and policy towards Israel? Do you recognise Israel's right to exist?
A: We need to have good relationships with every country around the world, including the United States and the Europeans. We do not have a problem with Israel. The problem of Israel could be solved by Palestinians and Israel in cooperation and with help from states in the region and the world community. We live in the 21st century and nowadays the world is connected and globalised. We should be a part of the world. We cannot close our eyes to the United States and Europe. They are strong political and economic powerhouses. If Iran is to prosper, we need to have good relationships - both political and economical - with everyone, including Russia.
As for Israel, it is the Iranian government which doesn't recognise its right to exist, but the Iranian people might think differently. Israel's internal problems are its own affairs, not ours. We shouldn't get involved. It shouldn't concern us. My view is that Israel has the right to exist. We should recognise it.
Q: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said that Israel should be wiped out. What is your opinion?
A: When the president of a country like Ahmadinejad says that he wants to kill all the people in Israel, this is very bad. Israel is not a person - it is a country with many people living there. Ahmadinejad is crazy. He is not talking and behaving like the president of a country. He has already destroyed international relationships with many countries and made them enemies of Iran. This has cost the Iranian people so much. His ideas are dangerous. That's why we have so many problems. We want to be friendly with every country.
Q: Do you expect a collapse of the government any time soon?
A: The government has already collapsed. There's going to be big changes very soon. Believe me, it will happen soon. I can promise you that I will meet you for the next interview in Teheran very soon. However, I am afraid that the transition won't be peaceful. You see what has happened during the religious ceremony called Ashura a few days ago. They killed so many people, 11 to be exact, not eight as was reported by the western media.
We want to keep our country as the Islamic Republic of Iran, but religion and politics must be separated. We want to change the structure of the government. The good clerics should help the people and the government, while the bad ones should be ousted from government. If you look back at history, several hundreds years ago, the church controlled everything in Europe. We are experiencing the same situation. Some of the top Ayatollahs have a lot of power.
Q: What will it take to remove the people in power?
A: We are working on it. The western media could help us if they could talk directly to the Iranian people, to tell them the truth. This would help. The Iranian media don't belong to the people. They are controlled by the government which is using them to spread lies.
Q: You said you worked closely with the current supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Could you be more specific?
A: I have been working with him for almost 19 years. I saw him frequently, sometimes 10 times or more in one day. We were very close. I was a protector of the leadership apparatus. I was head of a committee for strengthening the Islamic State and preventing anything from weakening it. I helped him too much. He used to be a good, open-minded man until he started a close relationship with Ayatollah Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, a spiritual adviser to a group of hard-line fundamentalists. He is a very crazy man who hates Israel and the United States especially. Unfortunately, President Ahmadinejad is one of his big fans as well.
Q: Tell us about the clergy. Are they divided?
A: The Ayatollahs are very much divided. They have so many problems between each other. There are many Ayatollahs who have different views. However, the ones in the government have the power, not the others.
It is impossible to change Iran in a religious way. Iranian people are, have been and always will be religious people. However, I believe that politics and the religion might be divided soon.
Q: What is the feeling within the military? Can the government rely on them? Are they loyal?
A: At this moment, the government cannot rely 100% on the Iranian Army and even on the Revolutionary Guards, who are more powerful. There are now only a few hard-line religious people inside the Revolutionary Guards who are against the people.
There are some people inside the Revolutionary Guards who are against the government and side with the people. The government is aware of that. And the same applies to the Iranian Army. Many of them are now on the people's side. Many of them are now against the government, but they are afraid to say it openly because they might have problems.
As for the relationship between the Army and the Revolutionary Guards, theoretically they are united, but in a reality, they are not. They don't like or trust each other. The government trusts and gives more support and benefits to the Revolutionary Guards than to the Army. Some agents of the Revolutionary Guards are placed inside the Army to watch them both officially and secretly.
Q: Is your country developing nuclear weapons?
A: My personal view is that if Iran comes under more pressure from other countries they might think of that, but right now, I don't think so. I don't have any proof. Maybe they have already started. If so, I would like to stop it. Iran doesn't need nuclear weapons. We need nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, like, for example, to generate electricity.
Q: In your opinion, do sanctions imposed against Iran by western nations have any effect? Do you agree with sanctions?
A: I disagree with the sanctions because they put more pressure on the people than the government. I have a message to President Obama: Instead of imposing sanctions, you should give more support to the opposition groups. The sanctions don't work. The government uses sanctions as an excuse to put more pressure on the people.
The current Iranian government is not supported by the people and therefore, the western governments should not officially recognise them. They should stop economic cooperation with them as well. Germany, for example, has many business ventures with Iran, but they say they don't accept Ahmadinejad.
Q: You have worked in intelligence. How does the present government run these services?
A: The Iranian government is running a large intelligence network both inside and outside the country. Most of the intelligence work is now the responsibility of the Revolutionary Guards. Iran has a very large intelligence service.
Q: What are your personal plans?
A: I have many plans, for the Army, the Revolutionary Guards and the intelligence service, for university people and for all the people in Iran. I am looking forward to living with my family in Iran after the government changes. They are having a difficult time now.
Q: If the government changes, would you take a position with the new government?
A: Yes, 100%. I will go back to build my country. Every Iranian should work to reconstruct Iran.
Q: Are you in contact with your people in Iran?
A: Yes, for 10 hours or even more every day! Sometimes I don't sleep because it is time to talk with them. I use mobile phones, emails and other means to communicate with them. I know what is going on in Iran every day.
Q: Because of your former high position in Iranian intelligence and because you obviously know many secrets, has the Iranian government attempted to discredit or threaten you?
A: They attempted to kill me and also discredit me. About six months ago a person pretending to be a friend of some foreign powers and who was, in fact, an Iranian agent, wrote an article about me in one western magazine claiming that I was in Iran and killing people. At that time, I was in a hospital in Germany.
Q: To your knowledge, does the Iranian government support terrorists like al-Qaeda?
A: No, they don't support this particular group, but for other groups I don't want to get into this because it is too complicated.
Q: Do you have any final words of advice?
A: I would like to warn western countries that the Iranian government might do something, like assassinate exiles, something they have done before. The Iranian government has infiltrated some exile groups with their agents, and this applies to some western media. I am sure that very soon the Iranian people will take up arms and fight the government. The future for the Iranian people is bright.
Iranian insider predicts regime change
A leading figure in Iran's opposition movement says it is time to separate religion and politics
Published: 3/01/2010 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: Spectrum
Despite working for many years in the secrecy-shrouded intelligence section of the Iranian government, Mohammad Reza Madhi, 46, a former high-ranking officer in Iran's elite Revolutionary Guards' intelligence service and once the right-hand man of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has decided it is time to go public.
His exclusive interview with Spectrum was conducted as Iran's opposition leaders faced new threats with the state prosecutor warning they could be put on trial if they do not denounce last week's anti-government protests - the worst unrest since the immediate aftermath of the disputed June election.
The confrontation between Iran's clerical rulers and their opponents has returned to the streets in recent weeks, after a harsh crackdown immediately following the election had all but put an end to demonstrations. Despite a continuing tough response from security forces, the opposition movement has regained some momentum.
The son of the deposed Shah last week urged nations worldwide to withdraw their ambassadors from Teheran to protest against the relentless government crackdown on opposition demonstrators.
Reza Pahlavi, who has lived in exile since his father was toppled in the 1979 Islamic revolution, also appealed in a letter to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon for a UN investigation into human rights violations during the unrest.
Mr Pahlavi equated the climate of the unrest with the "revolutionary atmosphere" that preceded the fall of his father from the Peacock Throne 30 years ago, when the monarchy was replaced by an Islamic republic. The difference, he said, is that this time the people know what they want - a secular democracy.
Former intelligence chief Mr Madhi, who first worked for the Iranian government in 1981 in the army and the Revolutionary Guards' intelligence services, spoke out against the present government during a stopover in Bangkok last week.
In recent years he secretly passed information to Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri, one of the most respected clerics in Iran, who passed away on Dec 19, 2009.
Mr Madhi escaped from Iran in February 2008 after being sentenced to 73 years in jail for what he described as a trivial charge. Since then he has been working from abroad to organise opposition against the Iranian government.
He has been in regular contact with the Green Path of Hope group, an Iranian association established in August 2009 by the opposition leader, Mir-Hossein Mousavi, and also with other groups and individuals.
Q: How would you describe the current political and economic situation in Iran?
A: The way the Iranian government has chosen to go is the wrong one. They forget the promises they have made to the people. They took all the power in the country into their hands and have tried to run the country like it is their kingdom, similar to that of the Shah, who was overthrown in February 1979. The Shah wore the crown, but now the Ayatollahs wear turbans. It is the same thing. They run the country like a kingdom.
The government has destroyed Iran's international relations with many strong and powerful countries like the United States, European nations and others.
The economic situation is also very bad at this moment. It is zero. Instead of looking after its own people, the government supports those living in African countries, Palestine and in Venezuela.
Q: How many opposition groups are there in Iran, and are they united?
A: There are four major opposition groups and about 20 small ones. The big groups are united and are working with each other, but the small ones are not. However, they are all working for the same goal, which is to oust the government. I believe that the majority of people in Iran are against the government.
Q: What is the opposition's view of the United States and policy towards Israel? Do you recognise Israel's right to exist?
A: We need to have good relationships with every country around the world, including the United States and the Europeans. We do not have a problem with Israel. The problem of Israel could be solved by Palestinians and Israel in cooperation and with help from states in the region and the world community. We live in the 21st century and nowadays the world is connected and globalised. We should be a part of the world. We cannot close our eyes to the United States and Europe. They are strong political and economic powerhouses. If Iran is to prosper, we need to have good relationships - both political and economical - with everyone, including Russia.
As for Israel, it is the Iranian government which doesn't recognise its right to exist, but the Iranian people might think differently. Israel's internal problems are its own affairs, not ours. We shouldn't get involved. It shouldn't concern us. My view is that Israel has the right to exist. We should recognise it.
Q: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said that Israel should be wiped out. What is your opinion?
A: When the president of a country like Ahmadinejad says that he wants to kill all the people in Israel, this is very bad. Israel is not a person - it is a country with many people living there. Ahmadinejad is crazy. He is not talking and behaving like the president of a country. He has already destroyed international relationships with many countries and made them enemies of Iran. This has cost the Iranian people so much. His ideas are dangerous. That's why we have so many problems. We want to be friendly with every country.
Q: Do you expect a collapse of the government any time soon?
A: The government has already collapsed. There's going to be big changes very soon. Believe me, it will happen soon. I can promise you that I will meet you for the next interview in Teheran very soon. However, I am afraid that the transition won't be peaceful. You see what has happened during the religious ceremony called Ashura a few days ago. They killed so many people, 11 to be exact, not eight as was reported by the western media.
We want to keep our country as the Islamic Republic of Iran, but religion and politics must be separated. We want to change the structure of the government. The good clerics should help the people and the government, while the bad ones should be ousted from government. If you look back at history, several hundreds years ago, the church controlled everything in Europe. We are experiencing the same situation. Some of the top Ayatollahs have a lot of power.
Q: What will it take to remove the people in power?
A: We are working on it. The western media could help us if they could talk directly to the Iranian people, to tell them the truth. This would help. The Iranian media don't belong to the people. They are controlled by the government which is using them to spread lies.
Q: You said you worked closely with the current supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Could you be more specific?
A: I have been working with him for almost 19 years. I saw him frequently, sometimes 10 times or more in one day. We were very close. I was a protector of the leadership apparatus. I was head of a committee for strengthening the Islamic State and preventing anything from weakening it. I helped him too much. He used to be a good, open-minded man until he started a close relationship with Ayatollah Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, a spiritual adviser to a group of hard-line fundamentalists. He is a very crazy man who hates Israel and the United States especially. Unfortunately, President Ahmadinejad is one of his big fans as well.
Q: Tell us about the clergy. Are they divided?
A: The Ayatollahs are very much divided. They have so many problems between each other. There are many Ayatollahs who have different views. However, the ones in the government have the power, not the others.
It is impossible to change Iran in a religious way. Iranian people are, have been and always will be religious people. However, I believe that politics and the religion might be divided soon.
Q: What is the feeling within the military? Can the government rely on them? Are they loyal?
A: At this moment, the government cannot rely 100% on the Iranian Army and even on the Revolutionary Guards, who are more powerful. There are now only a few hard-line religious people inside the Revolutionary Guards who are against the people.
There are some people inside the Revolutionary Guards who are against the government and side with the people. The government is aware of that. And the same applies to the Iranian Army. Many of them are now on the people's side. Many of them are now against the government, but they are afraid to say it openly because they might have problems.
As for the relationship between the Army and the Revolutionary Guards, theoretically they are united, but in a reality, they are not. They don't like or trust each other. The government trusts and gives more support and benefits to the Revolutionary Guards than to the Army. Some agents of the Revolutionary Guards are placed inside the Army to watch them both officially and secretly.
Q: Is your country developing nuclear weapons?
A: My personal view is that if Iran comes under more pressure from other countries they might think of that, but right now, I don't think so. I don't have any proof. Maybe they have already started. If so, I would like to stop it. Iran doesn't need nuclear weapons. We need nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, like, for example, to generate electricity.
Q: In your opinion, do sanctions imposed against Iran by western nations have any effect? Do you agree with sanctions?
A: I disagree with the sanctions because they put more pressure on the people than the government. I have a message to President Obama: Instead of imposing sanctions, you should give more support to the opposition groups. The sanctions don't work. The government uses sanctions as an excuse to put more pressure on the people.
The current Iranian government is not supported by the people and therefore, the western governments should not officially recognise them. They should stop economic cooperation with them as well. Germany, for example, has many business ventures with Iran, but they say they don't accept Ahmadinejad.
Q: You have worked in intelligence. How does the present government run these services?
A: The Iranian government is running a large intelligence network both inside and outside the country. Most of the intelligence work is now the responsibility of the Revolutionary Guards. Iran has a very large intelligence service.
Q: What are your personal plans?
A: I have many plans, for the Army, the Revolutionary Guards and the intelligence service, for university people and for all the people in Iran. I am looking forward to living with my family in Iran after the government changes. They are having a difficult time now.
Q: If the government changes, would you take a position with the new government?
A: Yes, 100%. I will go back to build my country. Every Iranian should work to reconstruct Iran.
Q: Are you in contact with your people in Iran?
A: Yes, for 10 hours or even more every day! Sometimes I don't sleep because it is time to talk with them. I use mobile phones, emails and other means to communicate with them. I know what is going on in Iran every day.
Q: Because of your former high position in Iranian intelligence and because you obviously know many secrets, has the Iranian government attempted to discredit or threaten you?
A: They attempted to kill me and also discredit me. About six months ago a person pretending to be a friend of some foreign powers and who was, in fact, an Iranian agent, wrote an article about me in one western magazine claiming that I was in Iran and killing people. At that time, I was in a hospital in Germany.
Q: To your knowledge, does the Iranian government support terrorists like al-Qaeda?
A: No, they don't support this particular group, but for other groups I don't want to get into this because it is too complicated.
Q: Do you have any final words of advice?
A: I would like to warn western countries that the Iranian government might do something, like assassinate exiles, something they have done before. The Iranian government has infiltrated some exile groups with their agents, and this applies to some western media. I am sure that very soon the Iranian people will take up arms and fight the government. The future for the Iranian people is bright.
نامه سرگشاده اساتید دانشکده فنی تهران به خامنه ای : شايعه است که حمله به دانشگاه در روزهاي 16 و 17 آذر 1388 توسط نهادي منتسب به جنابعالي صورت گرفته
منبع : جنبش راه سبز (جرس)
با سلام و احترام، جريانات و حوادث بعد از انتخابات دهم رياست جمهوري، موجب تأسف و نگراني كليه علاقه مندان به اسلام وايران گشته است. امضاءكنندگان اين نامه از اساتيد پرديس دانشكده هاي فني دانشگاه تهران و خود از علاقه مندان به انقلاب و ميهن بوده و بيشتر ايام جواني خويش را صرف خدمت به تمدن ، فرهنگ، دانش و اعتلاي اين مرز و بوم نموده و بعضي نيز از طلايه داران انقلاب اسلامي بوده اند . لذا بر اساس فرمايش مولايمان "كلكم راع و كلكم مسئول" بر آنان سخت ناگوار است كه بنشينند و تماشاگر مصائب و مسائلي باشند كه خداي ناكرده ممكن است موجب پرپرشدن غنچه هاي اميد اين مملكت و بر باد رفتن تمامي فرصتها و زحمات ساليان دراز و رشادتها و مردانگي نسلهاي اين مرز و بوم گردد . دليل اينكه اين جمع خدمتگزار مصدع اوقات حضرتعالي ميشود اين است كه متأسفانه در مجموعِ مسئولين دولتي و قواي ديگر توان و پتانسيل لازم براي حل ريشهاي مشكلات حاضر را نمي بينيم . نيت تمام امضاء كنندگان اين نامه چيزي جز اصلاح امور مملكت و دين و دنياي مردم نيست و انتظار داريم كه اين نامه هم از اين منظر نگريسته شود. مطلبي كه كام همه دوستداران اسلام و مملكت را تلخ كرده است برخوردهاي خشن و فراقانوني، خصوصاً با دانشگاهيان، دانشجويان و فرهيختگان اين مرز و بوم است . مسلماً حمله هاي شبانه به خوابگاه، مأمن، مأوا و محل زندگي دانشجوي بي پناه و يورش روزانه به آنان در صحن دانشگاه، محل تحصيل علم و پژوهش، نه نشان قدرت و صلابت نظام است و نه ضرب و شتم و زندان دسته جمعي آنان زيبنده اسلاميت و جمهوريت نظام . متأسفانه عليرغم تأكيدات جنابعالي و تمام قولهاي مسئولين، آمران و مسببان واقعه هنوز محاكمه و به مردم معرفي نشدهاند و اين دانشجويان هستند كه هر روز به بهانهاي دستگير و زنداني ميشوند و يا مورد ضرب و شتم قرار مي گيرند . حق ميدهيد كه براي دانشجويان بسيار سخت است كه در چنين شرايط ناگوار دعوت اساتيد به بحث، درس و تحقيق را با طيب خاطر و راحتي اجابت كنند.
سالگرد 16 آذر همه ساله پس از انقلاب در جامعه ما بدون هيچ تنشي برگزار مي شد. اما امسال چه كساني و از چه مي ترسيدند كه چنين بر پيكر دانشگاه تاخت و تاز كردند و نمايش فتح صحن آنرا غرور آميز ترسيم نمودند ! در روز 16 و 17 آذر امسال چند هزار نفر كه برخي از آنها مسلح به سلاحهاي سرد، اسپري گاز فلفل و گاز اشك آور بودند به داخل دانشگاه وارد شده و طي دو روزمتوالي دانشگاه را كه محيط علم و انديشه است به صحنه اغتشاشات و نمايش هاي خود تبديل نمودند.
هنوز براي ما باور اين امر بسيار سخت است كه در نظام جمهوري اسلامي ممكن است عده اي با تجهيزات فراوان و با هماهنگي به داخل دانشگاه لشكركشي كنند و دو روز متوالي به ضرب و شتم دانشجويان، فرزندان پاك اين آب و خاك، تخريب اموال عمومي و توهين به اساتيد بپردازند و مهد مهندسي كشور را بي حرمت نمايند . متأسفانه كه همه اينها به بهانه پاسداري از اسلام و ولايت انجام ميگيرد و متأسفانه هيچ فرد و نهادي مسئوليت آن را نمي پذيرد .
درخواست ما اين است كه مسئولين امر و خصوصاً حضرتعالي ترتيبي اتخاذ فرمائيد كه خداي ناكرده اين حوادث تبديل به سوژهاي در دست رسانه هاي صهيونيستي و معاند نگردد كه جمهوري اسلامي را مخالف علم و دانشگاه جلوه دهند، خصوصاً آنكه در اين جو نامناسب و غيرشفاف شايعه تدارك و هماهنگي حضور عناصر غير دانشگاهي و مهاجم در روزهاي 16 و 17 آذر 1388 در دانشگاه توسط نهادي منتسب به جنابعالي در همه سطوح دانشگاه پخش شده است.
به گمان امضاءكنندگان اين نامه علاج درد اين است كه تمام مقامات و كارگزاران نظام همه اعضاي ملت را جدا از گرايشات سياسي در عمل بعنوان اعضاي يك پيكره ببينند و صداي همه آنان را بشنوند و حقوق ملت را، كه مصرّح در قانون اساسي جمهوري اسلامي است، و آزاديهاي قانوني آنان را به يكسان پاسدار باشند. به اعتقاد ما برخوردهاي خشن با جامعة علمي و ادامه بازداشت اهل علم و دانشگاهيان به صلاح مملكت نيست . بنابراين ازجنابعالي تقاضا داريم، دستور فرمائيد كه صحن مقدس دانشگاه از تمامي نيروهاي غيردانشگاهي عاري گشته و با عذرخواهي مسئولين امر و پيگرد قانوني مسببين اين غائله ها و آزادي همه دستگيرشدگان دانشگاهي از همة اقشار و گروههاي دانشجوئي دلجوئي گردد.
اميد است كه با انجام اين اقدامات، پرديس دانشكده هاي فني دانشگاه تهران كه بر اساس معيارهاي جهاني در ميان دانشگاههاي برتردنيا قرار گرفته و بالاترين رتبه در ميان دانشگاههاي كشور را با تكيه بر قدمت، تجربه، نخبگان خود و تلاشهاي مستمر چند ساله اخيركسب نموده است، به همراه ديگر دانشگاهها و مراكز علمي كشور به رشد بالنده خود ادامه داده و منشاء خدمات بيشتر به ميهن اسلامي گردد.
با تشكر و احترام
جمعي از اساتيد پرديس دانشكده هاي فني
دانشگاه تهران
1. آرائی، عليرضا استاديار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
2. آسائي، بهزاد استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
3. ابري نيا، كارن دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
4. اسكندري قادي، مرتضي استاديار دانشكده علوم پايه
5. اشجعي، مهدي استاد دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
6. اصل سليماني، ابراهيم استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
7. افشارنيا، سعيد دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
8. افضلي كوشا، علي استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
9. باباخاني، علي استاديار دانشكده علوم پايه
10. بديعي، پيمان استاديار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
11. بشارتي گيوي، محمدكاظم دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
12. بني هاشمي، محمدعلي استاديار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
13. بهمنيار، حسين استاد دانشكده مهندسي شيمي
14. پنجه شاهي، محمد حسن دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي شيمي
15. تابش، مسعود دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
16. تقي ياره، فتانه استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
17. تيمورنژاد، جمال مربي دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
18. جعفري، احمد استاديار دانشكده مهندسي معدن
19. حائري يزدي، محمد رضا دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
20. حامدي، محسن دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
21. حسين زاده، غلامعلي دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
22. حقيقي، منوچهر دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي شيمي
23. خدادادي، عباسعلي دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي شيمي
24. خداياري، علي اصغر مربي دانشكده مهندسي معدن
25. خسروی، رامتين استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
26. خوانساري، احمد استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
27. دولتشاهي پيروز، محرم استاديار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
28. دولتشاهي، بهمن استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
29. راستگو، عباس دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
30. رجايي سلماسي، فرزاد استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
31. رحيمي كيان، اشكان دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
32. رحيميان، محمد استاد دانشكده مهندسي عمران
33. رحيميان، محمد حسن دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
34. رمضاني تبار، حيدر مربي دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
35. زهرايي، سيد مهدي دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
36. ستاره دان، سيد كمال الدين دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
37. سلطاني، ناصر دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
38. سلطانيان زاده، حميد استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
39. سيد ابراهيمي، سيد علي استاد دانشكده مهندسي متالورژي و مواد
40. سيدامامي، كاظم استاد دانشكده مهندسي معدن
41. شكوري گنجوي، حامد استاديار دانشكده مهندسي صنايع
42. شكرچي زاده، محمد دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
43. صادقي، كيوان دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
44. صالحي دزفولي، عبدالرحيم مربي دانشكده علوم پايه
45. صدر، افسانه مربي دانشكده مهندسي شيمي
46. فاخر، علي دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
47. فاروق حسينی، سيد محمد دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي معدن
48. فتحي پور، مرتضي دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
49. فرجي دانا، رضا استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
50. فروزنده، بهجت استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
51. فرهنگي، شاهرخ دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
52. فيض ديزجي، احمد دانشيار دانشكده علوم پايه
53. فيض، جواد استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
54. قادري، سيد فريد دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي صنايع
55. قربانيان، سهرابعلي استاديار دانشكده مهندسي شيمي
56. قلندرزاده، عباس استاديار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
57. کراچيان، رضا دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
58. كهربائيان، احمد استاديار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
59. كوثري، فرشاد استاد دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
60. لاهوتي، فرشاد استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
61. لساني، حميد استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
62. لطيفي نمين، منوچهر دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
63. محجوب جهرمي، محمد دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
64. محسني، حسين استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
65. محمدي توچايي، سهيل دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
66. محمدي، سيامك استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
67. مرادي، مجيد استاديار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
68. مرتضوي، يدالله دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي شيمي
69. معصومي، ابوالفضل دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
70. معصومي، ناصر دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
71. معظمي، دارا استاد دانشكده علوم پايه
72. منتظري نمين، مسعود استاديار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
73. منصف، حسن دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
74. موسوي، مهدي دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي معدن
75. مهاجرزاده، سيد شمس الدين استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
76. ميرقاسمي، علي اصغر دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
77. نادر اصفهاني، سعيد استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
78. نايي، محمد حسن دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
79. نجار اعرابي، بابك دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
80. نوابي شيرازي، زين العابدين استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
81. نوع پرست، محمد استاد دانشكده مهندسي معدن
82. نيايش، كاوه استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
83. نيلي احمدآبادي، مجيد دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
84. نيلي احمدآبادي، محمود استاد دانشكده مهندسي متالورژي و مواد
85. وهابی، سيد شمس الدين مربي دانشكده مهندسي معدن
86. ياوري شهرضا، مهدي مربي دانشكده مهندسي معدن
87. يزداني، ناصر دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
88. يوسفي كما، عقيل دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
منبع : جنبش راه سبز (جرس)
با سلام و احترام، جريانات و حوادث بعد از انتخابات دهم رياست جمهوري، موجب تأسف و نگراني كليه علاقه مندان به اسلام وايران گشته است. امضاءكنندگان اين نامه از اساتيد پرديس دانشكده هاي فني دانشگاه تهران و خود از علاقه مندان به انقلاب و ميهن بوده و بيشتر ايام جواني خويش را صرف خدمت به تمدن ، فرهنگ، دانش و اعتلاي اين مرز و بوم نموده و بعضي نيز از طلايه داران انقلاب اسلامي بوده اند . لذا بر اساس فرمايش مولايمان "كلكم راع و كلكم مسئول" بر آنان سخت ناگوار است كه بنشينند و تماشاگر مصائب و مسائلي باشند كه خداي ناكرده ممكن است موجب پرپرشدن غنچه هاي اميد اين مملكت و بر باد رفتن تمامي فرصتها و زحمات ساليان دراز و رشادتها و مردانگي نسلهاي اين مرز و بوم گردد . دليل اينكه اين جمع خدمتگزار مصدع اوقات حضرتعالي ميشود اين است كه متأسفانه در مجموعِ مسئولين دولتي و قواي ديگر توان و پتانسيل لازم براي حل ريشهاي مشكلات حاضر را نمي بينيم . نيت تمام امضاء كنندگان اين نامه چيزي جز اصلاح امور مملكت و دين و دنياي مردم نيست و انتظار داريم كه اين نامه هم از اين منظر نگريسته شود. مطلبي كه كام همه دوستداران اسلام و مملكت را تلخ كرده است برخوردهاي خشن و فراقانوني، خصوصاً با دانشگاهيان، دانشجويان و فرهيختگان اين مرز و بوم است . مسلماً حمله هاي شبانه به خوابگاه، مأمن، مأوا و محل زندگي دانشجوي بي پناه و يورش روزانه به آنان در صحن دانشگاه، محل تحصيل علم و پژوهش، نه نشان قدرت و صلابت نظام است و نه ضرب و شتم و زندان دسته جمعي آنان زيبنده اسلاميت و جمهوريت نظام . متأسفانه عليرغم تأكيدات جنابعالي و تمام قولهاي مسئولين، آمران و مسببان واقعه هنوز محاكمه و به مردم معرفي نشدهاند و اين دانشجويان هستند كه هر روز به بهانهاي دستگير و زنداني ميشوند و يا مورد ضرب و شتم قرار مي گيرند . حق ميدهيد كه براي دانشجويان بسيار سخت است كه در چنين شرايط ناگوار دعوت اساتيد به بحث، درس و تحقيق را با طيب خاطر و راحتي اجابت كنند.
سالگرد 16 آذر همه ساله پس از انقلاب در جامعه ما بدون هيچ تنشي برگزار مي شد. اما امسال چه كساني و از چه مي ترسيدند كه چنين بر پيكر دانشگاه تاخت و تاز كردند و نمايش فتح صحن آنرا غرور آميز ترسيم نمودند ! در روز 16 و 17 آذر امسال چند هزار نفر كه برخي از آنها مسلح به سلاحهاي سرد، اسپري گاز فلفل و گاز اشك آور بودند به داخل دانشگاه وارد شده و طي دو روزمتوالي دانشگاه را كه محيط علم و انديشه است به صحنه اغتشاشات و نمايش هاي خود تبديل نمودند.
هنوز براي ما باور اين امر بسيار سخت است كه در نظام جمهوري اسلامي ممكن است عده اي با تجهيزات فراوان و با هماهنگي به داخل دانشگاه لشكركشي كنند و دو روز متوالي به ضرب و شتم دانشجويان، فرزندان پاك اين آب و خاك، تخريب اموال عمومي و توهين به اساتيد بپردازند و مهد مهندسي كشور را بي حرمت نمايند . متأسفانه كه همه اينها به بهانه پاسداري از اسلام و ولايت انجام ميگيرد و متأسفانه هيچ فرد و نهادي مسئوليت آن را نمي پذيرد .
درخواست ما اين است كه مسئولين امر و خصوصاً حضرتعالي ترتيبي اتخاذ فرمائيد كه خداي ناكرده اين حوادث تبديل به سوژهاي در دست رسانه هاي صهيونيستي و معاند نگردد كه جمهوري اسلامي را مخالف علم و دانشگاه جلوه دهند، خصوصاً آنكه در اين جو نامناسب و غيرشفاف شايعه تدارك و هماهنگي حضور عناصر غير دانشگاهي و مهاجم در روزهاي 16 و 17 آذر 1388 در دانشگاه توسط نهادي منتسب به جنابعالي در همه سطوح دانشگاه پخش شده است.
به گمان امضاءكنندگان اين نامه علاج درد اين است كه تمام مقامات و كارگزاران نظام همه اعضاي ملت را جدا از گرايشات سياسي در عمل بعنوان اعضاي يك پيكره ببينند و صداي همه آنان را بشنوند و حقوق ملت را، كه مصرّح در قانون اساسي جمهوري اسلامي است، و آزاديهاي قانوني آنان را به يكسان پاسدار باشند. به اعتقاد ما برخوردهاي خشن با جامعة علمي و ادامه بازداشت اهل علم و دانشگاهيان به صلاح مملكت نيست . بنابراين ازجنابعالي تقاضا داريم، دستور فرمائيد كه صحن مقدس دانشگاه از تمامي نيروهاي غيردانشگاهي عاري گشته و با عذرخواهي مسئولين امر و پيگرد قانوني مسببين اين غائله ها و آزادي همه دستگيرشدگان دانشگاهي از همة اقشار و گروههاي دانشجوئي دلجوئي گردد.
اميد است كه با انجام اين اقدامات، پرديس دانشكده هاي فني دانشگاه تهران كه بر اساس معيارهاي جهاني در ميان دانشگاههاي برتردنيا قرار گرفته و بالاترين رتبه در ميان دانشگاههاي كشور را با تكيه بر قدمت، تجربه، نخبگان خود و تلاشهاي مستمر چند ساله اخيركسب نموده است، به همراه ديگر دانشگاهها و مراكز علمي كشور به رشد بالنده خود ادامه داده و منشاء خدمات بيشتر به ميهن اسلامي گردد.
با تشكر و احترام
جمعي از اساتيد پرديس دانشكده هاي فني
دانشگاه تهران
1. آرائی، عليرضا استاديار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
2. آسائي، بهزاد استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
3. ابري نيا، كارن دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
4. اسكندري قادي، مرتضي استاديار دانشكده علوم پايه
5. اشجعي، مهدي استاد دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
6. اصل سليماني، ابراهيم استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
7. افشارنيا، سعيد دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
8. افضلي كوشا، علي استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
9. باباخاني، علي استاديار دانشكده علوم پايه
10. بديعي، پيمان استاديار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
11. بشارتي گيوي، محمدكاظم دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
12. بني هاشمي، محمدعلي استاديار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
13. بهمنيار، حسين استاد دانشكده مهندسي شيمي
14. پنجه شاهي، محمد حسن دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي شيمي
15. تابش، مسعود دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
16. تقي ياره، فتانه استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
17. تيمورنژاد، جمال مربي دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
18. جعفري، احمد استاديار دانشكده مهندسي معدن
19. حائري يزدي، محمد رضا دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
20. حامدي، محسن دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
21. حسين زاده، غلامعلي دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
22. حقيقي، منوچهر دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي شيمي
23. خدادادي، عباسعلي دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي شيمي
24. خداياري، علي اصغر مربي دانشكده مهندسي معدن
25. خسروی، رامتين استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
26. خوانساري، احمد استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
27. دولتشاهي پيروز، محرم استاديار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
28. دولتشاهي، بهمن استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
29. راستگو، عباس دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
30. رجايي سلماسي، فرزاد استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
31. رحيمي كيان، اشكان دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
32. رحيميان، محمد استاد دانشكده مهندسي عمران
33. رحيميان، محمد حسن دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
34. رمضاني تبار، حيدر مربي دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
35. زهرايي، سيد مهدي دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
36. ستاره دان، سيد كمال الدين دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
37. سلطاني، ناصر دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
38. سلطانيان زاده، حميد استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
39. سيد ابراهيمي، سيد علي استاد دانشكده مهندسي متالورژي و مواد
40. سيدامامي، كاظم استاد دانشكده مهندسي معدن
41. شكوري گنجوي، حامد استاديار دانشكده مهندسي صنايع
42. شكرچي زاده، محمد دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
43. صادقي، كيوان دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
44. صالحي دزفولي، عبدالرحيم مربي دانشكده علوم پايه
45. صدر، افسانه مربي دانشكده مهندسي شيمي
46. فاخر، علي دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
47. فاروق حسينی، سيد محمد دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي معدن
48. فتحي پور، مرتضي دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
49. فرجي دانا، رضا استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
50. فروزنده، بهجت استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
51. فرهنگي، شاهرخ دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
52. فيض ديزجي، احمد دانشيار دانشكده علوم پايه
53. فيض، جواد استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
54. قادري، سيد فريد دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي صنايع
55. قربانيان، سهرابعلي استاديار دانشكده مهندسي شيمي
56. قلندرزاده، عباس استاديار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
57. کراچيان، رضا دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
58. كهربائيان، احمد استاديار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
59. كوثري، فرشاد استاد دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
60. لاهوتي، فرشاد استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
61. لساني، حميد استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
62. لطيفي نمين، منوچهر دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
63. محجوب جهرمي، محمد دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
64. محسني، حسين استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
65. محمدي توچايي، سهيل دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
66. محمدي، سيامك استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
67. مرادي، مجيد استاديار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
68. مرتضوي، يدالله دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي شيمي
69. معصومي، ابوالفضل دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
70. معصومي، ناصر دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
71. معظمي، دارا استاد دانشكده علوم پايه
72. منتظري نمين، مسعود استاديار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
73. منصف، حسن دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
74. موسوي، مهدي دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي معدن
75. مهاجرزاده، سيد شمس الدين استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
76. ميرقاسمي، علي اصغر دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي عمران
77. نادر اصفهاني، سعيد استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
78. نايي، محمد حسن دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
79. نجار اعرابي، بابك دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
80. نوابي شيرازي، زين العابدين استاد دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
81. نوع پرست، محمد استاد دانشكده مهندسي معدن
82. نيايش، كاوه استاديار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
83. نيلي احمدآبادي، مجيد دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
84. نيلي احمدآبادي، محمود استاد دانشكده مهندسي متالورژي و مواد
85. وهابی، سيد شمس الدين مربي دانشكده مهندسي معدن
86. ياوري شهرضا، مهدي مربي دانشكده مهندسي معدن
87. يزداني، ناصر دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي برق و كامپيوتر
88. يوسفي كما، عقيل دانشيار دانشكده مهندسي مكانيك
Iranian insider predicts regime change
Despite working for many years in the secrecy-shrouded intelligence section of the Iranian government, Mohammad Reza Madhi, 46, a former high-ranking officer in Iran's elite Revolutionary Guards' intelligence service and once the right-hand man of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has decided it is time to go public.
His exclusive interview with Spectrum was conducted as Iran's opposition leaders faced new threats with the state prosecutor warning they could be put on trial if they do not denounce last week's anti-government protests - the worst unrest since the immediate aftermath of the disputed June election.
The confrontation between Iran's clerical rulers and their opponents has returned to the streets in recent weeks, after a harsh crackdown immediately following the election had all but put an end to demonstrations. Despite a continuing tough response from security forces, the opposition movement has regained some momentum.
The son of the deposed Shah last week urged nations worldwide to withdraw their ambassadors from Teheran to protest against the relentless government crackdown on opposition demonstrators.
Reza Pahlavi, who has lived in exile since his father was toppled in the 1979 Islamic revolution, also appealed in a letter to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon for a UN investigation into human rights violations during the unrest.
Mr Pahlavi equated the climate of the unrest with the "revolutionary atmosphere" that preceded the fall of his father from the Peacock Throne 30 years ago, when the monarchy was replaced by an Islamic republic. The difference, he said, is that this time the people know what they want - a secular democracy.
Former intelligence chief Mr Madhi, who first worked for the Iranian government in 1981 in the army and the Revolutionary Guards' intelligence services, spoke out against the present government during a stopover in Bangkok last week.
In recent years he secretly passed information to Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri, one of the most respected clerics in Iran, who passed away on Dec 19, 2009.
Mr Madhi escaped from Iran in February 2008 after being sentenced to 73 years in jail for what he described as a trivial charge. Since then he has been working from abroad to organise opposition against the Iranian government.
He has been in regular contact with the Green Path of Hope group, an Iranian association established in August 2009 by the opposition leader, Mir-Hossein Mousavi, and also with other groups and individuals.
Q: How would you describe the current political and economic situation in Iran?
A: The way the Iranian government has chosen to go is the wrong one. They forget the promises they have made to the people. They took all the power in the country into their hands and have tried to run the country like it is their kingdom, similar to that of the Shah, who was overthrown in February 1979. The Shah wore the crown, but now the Ayatollahs wear turbans. It is the same thing. They run the country like a kingdom.
The government has destroyed Iran's international relations with many strong and powerful countries like the United States, European nations and others.
The economic situation is also very bad at this moment. It is zero. Instead of looking after its own people, the government supports those living in African countries, Palestine and in Venezuela.
Q: How many opposition groups are there in Iran, and are they united?
A: There are four major opposition groups and about 20 small ones. The big groups are united and are working with each other, but the small ones are not. However, they are all working for the same goal, which is to oust the government. I believe that the majority of people in Iran are against the government.
Q: What is the opposition's view of the United States and policy towards Israel? Do you recognise Israel's right to exist?
A: We need to have good relationships with every country around the world, including the United States and the Europeans. We do not have a problem with Israel. The problem of Israel could be solved by Palestinians and Israel in cooperation and with help from states in the region and the world community. We live in the 21st century and nowadays the world is connected and globalised. We should be a part of the world. We cannot close our eyes to the United States and Europe. They are strong political and economic powerhouses. If Iran is to prosper, we need to have good relationships - both political and economical - with everyone, including Russia.
As for Israel, it is the Iranian government which doesn't recognise its right to exist, but the Iranian people might think differently. Israel's internal problems are its own affairs, not ours. We shouldn't get involved. It shouldn't concern us. My view is that Israel has the right to exist. We should recognise it.
Q: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said that Israel should be wiped out. What is your opinion?
A: When the president of a country like Ahmadinejad says that he wants to kill all the people in Israel, this is very bad. Israel is not a person - it is a country with many people living there. Ahmadinejad is crazy. He is not talking and behaving like the president of a country. He has already destroyed international relationships with many countries and made them enemies of Iran. This has cost the Iranian people so much. His ideas are dangerous. That's why we have so many problems. We want to be friendly with every country.
Q: Do you expect a collapse of the government any time soon?
A: The government has already collapsed. There's going to be big changes very soon. Believe me, it will happen soon. I can promise you that I will meet you for the next interview in Teheran very soon. However, I am afraid that the transition won't be peaceful. You see what has happened during the religious ceremony called Ashura a few days ago. They killed so many people, 11 to be exact, not eight as was reported by the western media.
We want to keep our country as the Islamic Republic of Iran, but religion and politics must be separated. We want to change the structure of the government. The good clerics should help the people and the government, while the bad ones should be ousted from government. If you look back at history, several hundreds years ago, the church controlled everything in Europe. We are experiencing the same situation. Some of the top Ayatollahs have a lot of power.
Q: What will it take to remove the people in power?
A: We are working on it. The western media could help us if they could talk directly to the Iranian people, to tell them the truth. This would help. The Iranian media don't belong to the people. They are controlled by the government which is using them to spread lies.
Q: You said you worked closely with the current supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Could you be more specific?
A: I have been working with him for almost 19 years. I saw him frequently, sometimes 10 times or more in one day. We were very close. I was a protector of the leadership apparatus. I was head of a committee for strengthening the Islamic State and preventing anything from weakening it. I helped him too much. He used to be a good, open-minded man until he started a close relationship with Ayatollah Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, a spiritual adviser to a group of hard-line fundamentalists. He is a very crazy man who hates Israel and the United States especially. Unfortunately, President Ahmadinejad is one of his big fans as well.
Q: Tell us about the clergy. Are they divided?
A: The Ayatollahs are very much divided. They have so many problems between each other. There are many Ayatollahs who have different views. However, the ones in the government have the power, not the others.
It is impossible to change Iran in a religious way. Iranian people are, have been and always will be religious people. However, I believe that politics and the religion might be divided soon.
Q: What is the feeling within the military? Can the government rely on them? Are they loyal?
A: At this moment, the government cannot rely 100% on the Iranian Army and even on the Revolutionary Guards, who are more powerful. There are now only a few hard-line religious people inside the Revolutionary Guards who are against the people.
There are some people inside the Revolutionary Guards who are against the government and side with the people. The government is aware of that. And the same applies to the Iranian Army. Many of them are now on the people's side. Many of them are now against the government, but they are afraid to say it openly because they might have problems.
As for the relationship between the Army and the Revolutionary Guards, theoretically they are united, but in a reality, they are not. They don't like or trust each other. The government trusts and gives more support and benefits to the Revolutionary Guards than to the Army. Some agents of the Revolutionary Guards are placed inside the Army to watch them both officially and secretly.
Q: Is your country developing nuclear weapons?
A: My personal view is that if Iran comes under more pressure from other countries they might think of that, but right now, I don't think so. I don't have any proof. Maybe they have already started. If so, I would like to stop it. Iran doesn't need nuclear weapons. We need nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, like, for example, to generate electricity.
Q: In your opinion, do sanctions imposed against Iran by western nations have any effect? Do you agree with sanctions?
A: I disagree with the sanctions because they put more pressure on the people than the government. I have a message to President Obama: Instead of imposing sanctions, you should give more support to the opposition groups. The sanctions don't work. The government uses sanctions as an excuse to put more pressure on the people.
The current Iranian government is not supported by the people and therefore, the western governments should not officially recognise them. They should stop economic cooperation with them as well. Germany, for example, has many business ventures with Iran, but they say they don't accept Ahmadinejad.
Q: You have worked in intelligence. How does the present government run these services?
A: The Iranian government is running a large intelligence network both inside and outside the country. Most of the intelligence work is now the responsibility of the Revolutionary Guards. Iran has a very large intelligence service.
Q: What are your personal plans?
A: I have many plans, for the Army, the Revolutionary Guards and the intelligence service, for university people and for all the people in Iran. I am looking forward to living with my family in Iran after the government changes. They are having a difficult time now.
Q: If the government changes, would you take a position with the new government?
A: Yes, 100%. I will go back to build my country. Every Iranian should work to reconstruct Iran.
Q: Are you in contact with your people in Iran?
A: Yes, for 10 hours or even more every day! Sometimes I don't sleep because it is time to talk with them. I use mobile phones, emails and other means to communicate with them. I know what is going on in Iran every day.
Q: Because of your former high position in Iranian intelligence and because you obviously know many secrets, has the Iranian government attempted to discredit or threaten you?
A: They attempted to kill me and also discredit me. About six months ago a person pretending to be a friend of some foreign powers and who was, in fact, an Iranian agent, wrote an article about me in one western magazine claiming that I was in Iran and killing people. At that time, I was in a hospital in Germany.
Q: To your knowledge, does the Iranian government support terrorists like al-Qaeda?
A: No, they don't support this particular group, but for other groups I don't want to get into this because it is too complicated.
Q: Do you have any final words of advice?
A: I would like to warn western countries that the Iranian government might do something, like assassinate exiles, something they have done before. The Iranian government has infiltrated some exile groups with their agents, and this applies to some western media. I am sure that very soon the Iranian people will take up arms and fight the government. The future for the Iranian people is bright.
Despite working for many years in the secrecy-shrouded intelligence section of the Iranian government, Mohammad Reza Madhi, 46, a former high-ranking officer in Iran's elite Revolutionary Guards' intelligence service and once the right-hand man of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has decided it is time to go public.
His exclusive interview with Spectrum was conducted as Iran's opposition leaders faced new threats with the state prosecutor warning they could be put on trial if they do not denounce last week's anti-government protests - the worst unrest since the immediate aftermath of the disputed June election.
The confrontation between Iran's clerical rulers and their opponents has returned to the streets in recent weeks, after a harsh crackdown immediately following the election had all but put an end to demonstrations. Despite a continuing tough response from security forces, the opposition movement has regained some momentum.
The son of the deposed Shah last week urged nations worldwide to withdraw their ambassadors from Teheran to protest against the relentless government crackdown on opposition demonstrators.
Reza Pahlavi, who has lived in exile since his father was toppled in the 1979 Islamic revolution, also appealed in a letter to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon for a UN investigation into human rights violations during the unrest.
Mr Pahlavi equated the climate of the unrest with the "revolutionary atmosphere" that preceded the fall of his father from the Peacock Throne 30 years ago, when the monarchy was replaced by an Islamic republic. The difference, he said, is that this time the people know what they want - a secular democracy.
Former intelligence chief Mr Madhi, who first worked for the Iranian government in 1981 in the army and the Revolutionary Guards' intelligence services, spoke out against the present government during a stopover in Bangkok last week.
In recent years he secretly passed information to Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri, one of the most respected clerics in Iran, who passed away on Dec 19, 2009.
Mr Madhi escaped from Iran in February 2008 after being sentenced to 73 years in jail for what he described as a trivial charge. Since then he has been working from abroad to organise opposition against the Iranian government.
He has been in regular contact with the Green Path of Hope group, an Iranian association established in August 2009 by the opposition leader, Mir-Hossein Mousavi, and also with other groups and individuals.
Q: How would you describe the current political and economic situation in Iran?
A: The way the Iranian government has chosen to go is the wrong one. They forget the promises they have made to the people. They took all the power in the country into their hands and have tried to run the country like it is their kingdom, similar to that of the Shah, who was overthrown in February 1979. The Shah wore the crown, but now the Ayatollahs wear turbans. It is the same thing. They run the country like a kingdom.
The government has destroyed Iran's international relations with many strong and powerful countries like the United States, European nations and others.
The economic situation is also very bad at this moment. It is zero. Instead of looking after its own people, the government supports those living in African countries, Palestine and in Venezuela.
Q: How many opposition groups are there in Iran, and are they united?
A: There are four major opposition groups and about 20 small ones. The big groups are united and are working with each other, but the small ones are not. However, they are all working for the same goal, which is to oust the government. I believe that the majority of people in Iran are against the government.
Q: What is the opposition's view of the United States and policy towards Israel? Do you recognise Israel's right to exist?
A: We need to have good relationships with every country around the world, including the United States and the Europeans. We do not have a problem with Israel. The problem of Israel could be solved by Palestinians and Israel in cooperation and with help from states in the region and the world community. We live in the 21st century and nowadays the world is connected and globalised. We should be a part of the world. We cannot close our eyes to the United States and Europe. They are strong political and economic powerhouses. If Iran is to prosper, we need to have good relationships - both political and economical - with everyone, including Russia.
As for Israel, it is the Iranian government which doesn't recognise its right to exist, but the Iranian people might think differently. Israel's internal problems are its own affairs, not ours. We shouldn't get involved. It shouldn't concern us. My view is that Israel has the right to exist. We should recognise it.
Q: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said that Israel should be wiped out. What is your opinion?
A: When the president of a country like Ahmadinejad says that he wants to kill all the people in Israel, this is very bad. Israel is not a person - it is a country with many people living there. Ahmadinejad is crazy. He is not talking and behaving like the president of a country. He has already destroyed international relationships with many countries and made them enemies of Iran. This has cost the Iranian people so much. His ideas are dangerous. That's why we have so many problems. We want to be friendly with every country.
Q: Do you expect a collapse of the government any time soon?
A: The government has already collapsed. There's going to be big changes very soon. Believe me, it will happen soon. I can promise you that I will meet you for the next interview in Teheran very soon. However, I am afraid that the transition won't be peaceful. You see what has happened during the religious ceremony called Ashura a few days ago. They killed so many people, 11 to be exact, not eight as was reported by the western media.
We want to keep our country as the Islamic Republic of Iran, but religion and politics must be separated. We want to change the structure of the government. The good clerics should help the people and the government, while the bad ones should be ousted from government. If you look back at history, several hundreds years ago, the church controlled everything in Europe. We are experiencing the same situation. Some of the top Ayatollahs have a lot of power.
Q: What will it take to remove the people in power?
A: We are working on it. The western media could help us if they could talk directly to the Iranian people, to tell them the truth. This would help. The Iranian media don't belong to the people. They are controlled by the government which is using them to spread lies.
Q: You said you worked closely with the current supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Could you be more specific?
A: I have been working with him for almost 19 years. I saw him frequently, sometimes 10 times or more in one day. We were very close. I was a protector of the leadership apparatus. I was head of a committee for strengthening the Islamic State and preventing anything from weakening it. I helped him too much. He used to be a good, open-minded man until he started a close relationship with Ayatollah Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, a spiritual adviser to a group of hard-line fundamentalists. He is a very crazy man who hates Israel and the United States especially. Unfortunately, President Ahmadinejad is one of his big fans as well.
Q: Tell us about the clergy. Are they divided?
A: The Ayatollahs are very much divided. They have so many problems between each other. There are many Ayatollahs who have different views. However, the ones in the government have the power, not the others.
It is impossible to change Iran in a religious way. Iranian people are, have been and always will be religious people. However, I believe that politics and the religion might be divided soon.
Q: What is the feeling within the military? Can the government rely on them? Are they loyal?
A: At this moment, the government cannot rely 100% on the Iranian Army and even on the Revolutionary Guards, who are more powerful. There are now only a few hard-line religious people inside the Revolutionary Guards who are against the people.
There are some people inside the Revolutionary Guards who are against the government and side with the people. The government is aware of that. And the same applies to the Iranian Army. Many of them are now on the people's side. Many of them are now against the government, but they are afraid to say it openly because they might have problems.
As for the relationship between the Army and the Revolutionary Guards, theoretically they are united, but in a reality, they are not. They don't like or trust each other. The government trusts and gives more support and benefits to the Revolutionary Guards than to the Army. Some agents of the Revolutionary Guards are placed inside the Army to watch them both officially and secretly.
Q: Is your country developing nuclear weapons?
A: My personal view is that if Iran comes under more pressure from other countries they might think of that, but right now, I don't think so. I don't have any proof. Maybe they have already started. If so, I would like to stop it. Iran doesn't need nuclear weapons. We need nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, like, for example, to generate electricity.
Q: In your opinion, do sanctions imposed against Iran by western nations have any effect? Do you agree with sanctions?
A: I disagree with the sanctions because they put more pressure on the people than the government. I have a message to President Obama: Instead of imposing sanctions, you should give more support to the opposition groups. The sanctions don't work. The government uses sanctions as an excuse to put more pressure on the people.
The current Iranian government is not supported by the people and therefore, the western governments should not officially recognise them. They should stop economic cooperation with them as well. Germany, for example, has many business ventures with Iran, but they say they don't accept Ahmadinejad.
Q: You have worked in intelligence. How does the present government run these services?
A: The Iranian government is running a large intelligence network both inside and outside the country. Most of the intelligence work is now the responsibility of the Revolutionary Guards. Iran has a very large intelligence service.
Q: What are your personal plans?
A: I have many plans, for the Army, the Revolutionary Guards and the intelligence service, for university people and for all the people in Iran. I am looking forward to living with my family in Iran after the government changes. They are having a difficult time now.
Q: If the government changes, would you take a position with the new government?
A: Yes, 100%. I will go back to build my country. Every Iranian should work to reconstruct Iran.
Q: Are you in contact with your people in Iran?
A: Yes, for 10 hours or even more every day! Sometimes I don't sleep because it is time to talk with them. I use mobile phones, emails and other means to communicate with them. I know what is going on in Iran every day.
Q: Because of your former high position in Iranian intelligence and because you obviously know many secrets, has the Iranian government attempted to discredit or threaten you?
A: They attempted to kill me and also discredit me. About six months ago a person pretending to be a friend of some foreign powers and who was, in fact, an Iranian agent, wrote an article about me in one western magazine claiming that I was in Iran and killing people. At that time, I was in a hospital in Germany.
Q: To your knowledge, does the Iranian government support terrorists like al-Qaeda?
A: No, they don't support this particular group, but for other groups I don't want to get into this because it is too complicated.
Q: Do you have any final words of advice?
A: I would like to warn western countries that the Iranian government might do something, like assassinate exiles, something they have done before. The Iranian government has infiltrated some exile groups with their agents, and this applies to some western media. I am sure that very soon the Iranian people will take up arms and fight the government. The future for the Iranian people is bright.
حضور مجدد اعضای حزب الله لبنان در سرکوب ملت در روز عاشورا + عکس
امير فرشاد ابراهيمی goftaniha.org : اگر بیاد داشته باشید پیشتر درباره حضور دو عضو سرشناس حزب الله لبنان یعنی حسین منیف اشمر و ابوناصر در حمله و تسخیر ستاد انتخاباتی مهندس موسوی در روز انتخابات برایتان گفته بودم (اینجا) . حالا مجددا سندی انکار ناپذیر در سرکوب و حمله مسلحانه این دو عضو حزب الله لبنان را در این عکسها مشاهده می نمائید .
این عکسها متعلق به روز عاشورا و درگیری بین مردم و نیروهای سپاه پاسداران در منتهی الیه پل حافظ می باشد .
اما درباره حضور حسین منیف اشمر :
ایشان که برادر دو شهید معروف استشهادی حزب الله لبنان علی منیف اشمر و محمد اشمر می باشند از سال 1374 در ایران بسر می برند و ضمن عضویت در سپاه پاسداران از اعضای دفتر نمایندگی حزب الله لبنان در ایران می باشند . آدرس محل کار ایشان خیابان ولی عصر خیابان حافظ شیراز پلاک 14 می باشد که پیدا کردن ایشان براحتی امکان پذیر است .
گفتنی است این نخستین بار نیست که نیروهای امنیتی در جهت سرکوب اعتراضات مردمی از نیروهای خارجی استفاده می کنند و سالها پیش نیز در ماجرای اعتراض و شورش مردم اسلامشهر و قزوین عملا نیروهای حزب الله لبنان که بمنظور آموزش به ایران در آنزمان اعزام شده بودند در خدمت ماشین سرکوب نظام قرار گرفتند که حتا منجر به تشکر رسمی فرمانده وقت سپاه پاسداران سردار محسن رضایی از حزب الله لبنان گردید .
هم اکنون نیز یک تیپ از نیروهای خارجی در محلی در مجاورت صداوسیما و نمایشگاه بین المللی تهران با نام تیپ دو نیروهای مخصوص روح الله ، امر محافظت و حراست از سازمان صدا و سیما را به عهده دارند.
این عکسها متعلق به روز عاشورا و درگیری بین مردم و نیروهای سپاه پاسداران در منتهی الیه پل حافظ می باشد .
اما درباره حضور حسین منیف اشمر :
ایشان که برادر دو شهید معروف استشهادی حزب الله لبنان علی منیف اشمر و محمد اشمر می باشند از سال 1374 در ایران بسر می برند و ضمن عضویت در سپاه پاسداران از اعضای دفتر نمایندگی حزب الله لبنان در ایران می باشند . آدرس محل کار ایشان خیابان ولی عصر خیابان حافظ شیراز پلاک 14 می باشد که پیدا کردن ایشان براحتی امکان پذیر است .
گفتنی است این نخستین بار نیست که نیروهای امنیتی در جهت سرکوب اعتراضات مردمی از نیروهای خارجی استفاده می کنند و سالها پیش نیز در ماجرای اعتراض و شورش مردم اسلامشهر و قزوین عملا نیروهای حزب الله لبنان که بمنظور آموزش به ایران در آنزمان اعزام شده بودند در خدمت ماشین سرکوب نظام قرار گرفتند که حتا منجر به تشکر رسمی فرمانده وقت سپاه پاسداران سردار محسن رضایی از حزب الله لبنان گردید .
هم اکنون نیز یک تیپ از نیروهای خارجی در محلی در مجاورت صداوسیما و نمایشگاه بین المللی تهران با نام تیپ دو نیروهای مخصوص روح الله ، امر محافظت و حراست از سازمان صدا و سیما را به عهده دارند.
در همین رابطه :
مراسم تشییع جنازه عماد مغنیه در جنوب لبنان
