ژير قرمز در تهران ! روز شنبه سپاه سيستم جديد ارسال پارازيت خود را با قدرت بالاي 1 گيگاهرتز در تهران تست ميكند
خبرهاي موثق رسيده از يكي از كارمندان شركت مخابراتي صا ايران ( وابسته به سپاه ) حاكي از آن است كه سيستم مجهز روسي ارسال پارازيت كه اغلب در جنگ هاي مدرن الكترونيك براي اختلال در رادارها استفاده مي شود با تغييرات غير استاندارد صاايران به قدرت بالايي براي ارسال امواج دست يافته است . در اين سيستم اسيلاتورهايي در پهناي باند مايكروويو استفاده شده كه تمامي كانال هاي ماهواره اي را دچار اختلال ميكند قدرت باندهاي ارسال شده بالاتر از قدرت امواج مايكروويو يعني از 1 تا چند گيگا هرتز است ! كه اثرات سوء براي بدن انسان و موجودات زنده دارد . از بين رفتن تعادل دماي بدن، براي انسان مرگ آور است و بيشتر از يك بمب اتمي براي افراد خطرناك است . يادآور ميشود كه اين كارمند صا ايران درباره مضرات اين امواج و جلوگيري از آسيبهاي مرگ آور كه منجر به سرطانهاي خوني و هورموني ( عقيم شدن ) انسان ميشود . اعلام كرد كه اين تست از ساعت 11 صبح روز شنبه قرار است در يكي از مناطق جنوبي تهران كه محل دقيق آن به ما هنوز اعلام نشده به مدت 15 ساعت انجام ميشود . كه تنها راه جلوگيري از عوارض اين تشعشعات خروج از منطقه تست يعني جنوب شهر است .
منبع : وبلاگ وطن اي هستي من
خبرهاي موثق رسيده از يكي از كارمندان شركت مخابراتي صا ايران ( وابسته به سپاه ) حاكي از آن است كه سيستم مجهز روسي ارسال پارازيت كه اغلب در جنگ هاي مدرن الكترونيك براي اختلال در رادارها استفاده مي شود با تغييرات غير استاندارد صاايران به قدرت بالايي براي ارسال امواج دست يافته است . در اين سيستم اسيلاتورهايي در پهناي باند مايكروويو استفاده شده كه تمامي كانال هاي ماهواره اي را دچار اختلال ميكند قدرت باندهاي ارسال شده بالاتر از قدرت امواج مايكروويو يعني از 1 تا چند گيگا هرتز است ! كه اثرات سوء براي بدن انسان و موجودات زنده دارد . از بين رفتن تعادل دماي بدن، براي انسان مرگ آور است و بيشتر از يك بمب اتمي براي افراد خطرناك است . يادآور ميشود كه اين كارمند صا ايران درباره مضرات اين امواج و جلوگيري از آسيبهاي مرگ آور كه منجر به سرطانهاي خوني و هورموني ( عقيم شدن ) انسان ميشود . اعلام كرد كه اين تست از ساعت 11 صبح روز شنبه قرار است در يكي از مناطق جنوبي تهران كه محل دقيق آن به ما هنوز اعلام نشده به مدت 15 ساعت انجام ميشود . كه تنها راه جلوگيري از عوارض اين تشعشعات خروج از منطقه تست يعني جنوب شهر است .
منبع : وبلاگ وطن اي هستي من
Ahmadinejad should watch his back
Firing off missiles may make the hardliners feel better, but Iran's mood is broodingly uncertain, defensive and self-accusatory
Simon Tisdall guardian.co.uk, Monday 28 September 2009
In the uproar following last week's exposure of a clandestine underground nuclear plant near Qom, little has been heard from Iran's domestic opposition leaders and their supporters. But Tehran's brusque rejection of "ludicrous" western criticism conceals another tense secret: continuing regime nervousness about a loss of political support, a possible repeat of June's street uprisings and the unpredictable impact of the "crippling" sanctions threatened by the US and its allies.
The idea that the Iranian "nation", always a difficult concept in a country as ethnically, religiously and linguistically diverse as Iran, is wholeheartedly united behind President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's pursuit of its "nuclear rights" is even less persuasive than it was a few months ago. The summer's violently disputed presidential election has left ugly wounds unhealed. The international spotlight has shifted elsewhere, partly because of a crackdown on reformist newspapers and websites and a de facto ban on western reporters. But internal inquests continue all the same.
State-run radio confirmed this week that the Majlis (parliament) committee appointed to investigate post-election ill-treatment of hundreds of detainees would publish its findings next week. The news coincided with a warning by Grand Ayatollah Naser Makarem-Shirazi, at a meeting of clerics in Shiraz, that officials must "act wisely" to settle election-related disputes, the Mehr news agency reported. "Nobody is allowed to add fuel to the fire and divisions should be healed through negotiation," he said, adding that Iran already faced serious cultural and economic problems such as 40% youth unemployment.
Several proposals for electoral and political reform are under discussion. Mohsen Rezai, a defeated presidential candidate, suggested creating a national election committee "so that the government is barred from involvement in election affairs". The committee should also have retrospective power to "correct flaws" in the June poll, he said. Even the devious Hashemi Rafsanjani, who backed Mir Hossein Mousavi against Ahmadinejad, has hinted that the assembly of experts, which he chairs and which has constitutional oversight of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, may yet take up "current issues".
All of this may yet come to nothing. But it does not fit the stereotyped image of a totalitarian dictatorship beating a subject population into silence. In fact, this apparently irrepressible, very public domestic argument, notable even by Iran's disputatious norms, is extremely unsettling for Khamenei, Ahmadinejad and his cronies as they struggle to hold the line in their homemade battle with the west. Ali Larijani, a former chief nuclear negotiator, claimed Iranians were the victims of a "new western propaganda offensive" ahead of Thursday's pivotal talks in Geneva.
Firing off a few missiles, as they did again today, may make the hardliners feel better. But such defiant gestures seem to have little impact on a national mood that appears broodingly uncertain, defensive and self-accusatory.
Conservative newspapers such as Keyhan are stubbornly maintaining the rhetoric of confrontation. "What has happened so far was the first phase of the 'soft war' adopted by Iran's enemies ... The night of the soft war is still young and there are more difficult days ahead ... We have to be aware that enemies have targeted not the government but the whole system," it said this week.
But Jaam-e Jam, another conservative paper, was in more reflective mood. "In the current sensitive situation a review of the constituent foundations of the Islamic Republic is absolutely necessary," it said in an editorial. Hemayat warned against a possible "confrontation between the people and revolutionary politicians". The reformist paper Arman meanwhile urged the government to heed the advice of "prominent figures" (a likely reference to former president Mohammad Khatami) on returning "peace and calm to society".
On the nuclear dispute, Arman warned its readers that even the US president, Barack Obama, was now talking about military options. "Iran's main objective in its foreign policy should focus on the prevention of the issuance of another [UN sanctions] resolution against the country," it said. "Iran should do its best to take its dossier back to the International Atomic Energy Agency" – and by co-operating fully there, avoid additional punishment by the UN security council.
While none of this political and media ferment amounts to domestic insurrection, the fact that it is continuing despite the harsh post-election crackdown is significant. So, too, is the defiance exhibited by tens of thousands of protesters who returned to the streets of Tehran and other major cities on 18 September, after an enforced break of two months, to express their contempt for the regime.
The hardliners won the first post-election round. But as a weakened Ahmadinejad prepares for the next bout of political fisticuffs with the west, he must increasingly watch his back.
Firing off missiles may make the hardliners feel better, but Iran's mood is broodingly uncertain, defensive and self-accusatory
Simon Tisdall guardian.co.uk, Monday 28 September 2009
In the uproar following last week's exposure of a clandestine underground nuclear plant near Qom, little has been heard from Iran's domestic opposition leaders and their supporters. But Tehran's brusque rejection of "ludicrous" western criticism conceals another tense secret: continuing regime nervousness about a loss of political support, a possible repeat of June's street uprisings and the unpredictable impact of the "crippling" sanctions threatened by the US and its allies.
The idea that the Iranian "nation", always a difficult concept in a country as ethnically, religiously and linguistically diverse as Iran, is wholeheartedly united behind President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's pursuit of its "nuclear rights" is even less persuasive than it was a few months ago. The summer's violently disputed presidential election has left ugly wounds unhealed. The international spotlight has shifted elsewhere, partly because of a crackdown on reformist newspapers and websites and a de facto ban on western reporters. But internal inquests continue all the same.
State-run radio confirmed this week that the Majlis (parliament) committee appointed to investigate post-election ill-treatment of hundreds of detainees would publish its findings next week. The news coincided with a warning by Grand Ayatollah Naser Makarem-Shirazi, at a meeting of clerics in Shiraz, that officials must "act wisely" to settle election-related disputes, the Mehr news agency reported. "Nobody is allowed to add fuel to the fire and divisions should be healed through negotiation," he said, adding that Iran already faced serious cultural and economic problems such as 40% youth unemployment.
Several proposals for electoral and political reform are under discussion. Mohsen Rezai, a defeated presidential candidate, suggested creating a national election committee "so that the government is barred from involvement in election affairs". The committee should also have retrospective power to "correct flaws" in the June poll, he said. Even the devious Hashemi Rafsanjani, who backed Mir Hossein Mousavi against Ahmadinejad, has hinted that the assembly of experts, which he chairs and which has constitutional oversight of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, may yet take up "current issues".
All of this may yet come to nothing. But it does not fit the stereotyped image of a totalitarian dictatorship beating a subject population into silence. In fact, this apparently irrepressible, very public domestic argument, notable even by Iran's disputatious norms, is extremely unsettling for Khamenei, Ahmadinejad and his cronies as they struggle to hold the line in their homemade battle with the west. Ali Larijani, a former chief nuclear negotiator, claimed Iranians were the victims of a "new western propaganda offensive" ahead of Thursday's pivotal talks in Geneva.
Firing off a few missiles, as they did again today, may make the hardliners feel better. But such defiant gestures seem to have little impact on a national mood that appears broodingly uncertain, defensive and self-accusatory.
Conservative newspapers such as Keyhan are stubbornly maintaining the rhetoric of confrontation. "What has happened so far was the first phase of the 'soft war' adopted by Iran's enemies ... The night of the soft war is still young and there are more difficult days ahead ... We have to be aware that enemies have targeted not the government but the whole system," it said this week.
But Jaam-e Jam, another conservative paper, was in more reflective mood. "In the current sensitive situation a review of the constituent foundations of the Islamic Republic is absolutely necessary," it said in an editorial. Hemayat warned against a possible "confrontation between the people and revolutionary politicians". The reformist paper Arman meanwhile urged the government to heed the advice of "prominent figures" (a likely reference to former president Mohammad Khatami) on returning "peace and calm to society".
On the nuclear dispute, Arman warned its readers that even the US president, Barack Obama, was now talking about military options. "Iran's main objective in its foreign policy should focus on the prevention of the issuance of another [UN sanctions] resolution against the country," it said. "Iran should do its best to take its dossier back to the International Atomic Energy Agency" – and by co-operating fully there, avoid additional punishment by the UN security council.
While none of this political and media ferment amounts to domestic insurrection, the fact that it is continuing despite the harsh post-election crackdown is significant. So, too, is the defiance exhibited by tens of thousands of protesters who returned to the streets of Tehran and other major cities on 18 September, after an enforced break of two months, to express their contempt for the regime.
The hardliners won the first post-election round. But as a weakened Ahmadinejad prepares for the next bout of political fisticuffs with the west, he must increasingly watch his back.
از دیشب تهران تبدیل به یک مایکروویو بزرگ شد !
29 09 2009
از روز گذشته با نصب چندین انتن و تقویت سیگنالهای HI POWER پارازیت تقریبا کلیه کانالهای فارسی زبان ماهواره ای غیر از VOA در مناطق مرکزی ، شمال و شمال غرب تهران عملا از دسترس خارج شدند . این تحرکات که پیش تر و بعد از وقوع کودتا و وقایع پس از آن با شدت کمتری از سوی سپاه آغاز شده بود حال تنها با گذشت یک روز از خرید شرکت مخابرات توسط سپاه ، مجددا آغاز گردیده است . کارشناسان یکی از دلایل این امر را محبوبیت فوق العاده کانال فارسی زبان “فارسی1″ و تاثیر آن بر کاهش چشمگیر مخاطبان صدا و سیما به عنوان اهرم جریان ساز نظام میدانند . شدت این امواج به حدی است که در صورتی که در فاصله نزدیک به آنتنهای ارسال پارازیت برای مدت طولانی تکه ای گوشت یا مرغ قرار گیرد ، پخته میشود . به نظر میرسد که با توجه به آثار سوء این امواج که در دراز مدت باعث ایجاد انواع ناراحتیهای پوستی ، سرطان و خون میگردد ، تنها مسئله ای که کوچکترین اهمیتی برای دست اندرکاران این تهاجم الکترونیک ندارد ، جان و سلامت شهروندان تهران است .
29 09 2009
19 رای
از روز گذشته با نصب چندین انتن و تقویت سیگنالهای HI POWER پارازیت تقریبا کلیه کانالهای فارسی زبان ماهواره ای غیر از VOA در مناطق مرکزی ، شمال و شمال غرب تهران عملا از دسترس خارج شدند . این تحرکات که پیش تر و بعد از وقوع کودتا و وقایع پس از آن با شدت کمتری از سوی سپاه آغاز شده بود حال تنها با گذشت یک روز از خرید شرکت مخابرات توسط سپاه ، مجددا آغاز گردیده است . کارشناسان یکی از دلایل این امر را محبوبیت فوق العاده کانال فارسی زبان “فارسی1″ و تاثیر آن بر کاهش چشمگیر مخاطبان صدا و سیما به عنوان اهرم جریان ساز نظام میدانند . شدت این امواج به حدی است که در صورتی که در فاصله نزدیک به آنتنهای ارسال پارازیت برای مدت طولانی تکه ای گوشت یا مرغ قرار گیرد ، پخته میشود . به نظر میرسد که با توجه به آثار سوء این امواج که در دراز مدت باعث ایجاد انواع ناراحتیهای پوستی ، سرطان و خون میگردد ، تنها مسئله ای که کوچکترین اهمیتی برای دست اندرکاران این تهاجم الکترونیک ندارد ، جان و سلامت شهروندان تهران است .
