Interesting. Rohani's twitter account quoting this Dabashi article:
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2013/06/201362416818402701.html
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2013/06/201362416818402701.html
^^
Can Rouhani solve 'the Iran nuclear issue'?
"The Iranian nuclear crisis is no crisis at all. It is a fabricated issue," writes Hamid Dabashi.
Last Modified: 26 Jun 2013 11:51
Hamid Dabashi is Hagop Kevorkian Professor of Iranian Studies and Comparative Literature at Columbia University.
In a 2006 Time magazine op-ed, Hassan Rouhani promoted non-proliferation and de-nuclearisation [EPA]
"A nuclear weaponised Iran destabilises the region, prompts a regional arms race, and wastes the scarce resources in the region."
Who do you think might have written this sentence? Chances are very few people around the world would know, or would now believe that the person who wrote this sentence is none other than the current president-elect of the Islamic Republic, Mr. Hassan Rouhani.
The next question is even more intriguing. When would you guess Mr. Rouhani wrote this sentence? Check the live link above: It was published on Tuesday 9 May 2006, exactly seven years before he was elected the president of the Islamic republic by a landslide.
Now - where do you think he published this essay, and in what language - in Persian in some obscure venue in Iran, perhaps? No - check the link again. It was written and published in English in Time Magazine, right under the nose of George W. Bush during the second term of his presidency. In the words of my Columbia University colleague, Gary Sick, who had recently dug this article out and posted it on his Facebook: "The US turned it down."
Now do please read the rest of the article, composed in English by President-elect Rouhani himself and published in a US venue. In it you read an extended argument why the development of a nuclear weapon is not in the best interest of Iran. "Taking account of US nuclear arsenal and its policy of ensuring a strategic edge for Israel," Rouhani continues, "an Iranian bomb will accord Iran no security dividends. There are also some Islamic and developmental reasons why Iran as an Islamic and developing state must not develop and use weapons of mass destruction."
Spotlight
Follow in-depth coverage of Iran's presidential poll
Rouhani insists "a negotiated solution still can and must be found if we intend to strengthen the non-proliferation regime and avoid an unwise and unnecessary conflict". And he concludes by saying: "In my personal judgment, a negotiated solution can be found in the context of the following steps, if and when creatively intertwined and negotiated in good faith by concerned officials."
You can now read the steps: he commits Iran to specific measures to assure the world, including the US (read Israel) of the transparency of its commitment to nonproliferation, and then concludes: " It is not Iran's intention to disregard Security Council decisions. The way out is for the Security Council to mandate the IAEA to address this issue and establish a negotiating process for a fixed period to formulate a credible plan taking into account the suggestions I made in my personal capacity." Now what exactly is his personal capacity? This is how he signs his name: "Hassan Rouhani is representative of the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khomeini, on the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC) and Iran's former top nuclear negotiator."
Fabricating an 'Iran nuclear crisis'
In December 2006, seven months after this article was published, the UN Security Council "unanimously approved sanctions intended to curb Iran's nuclear program." (See the New York Times "timeline of Iran's Nuclear Program" here ).
The crescendo of events after this 2006 article is mind boggling. According to the New York Times, in 2008, "President George W. Bush rejects a secret request by Israel for specialised bunker-busting bombs it wants for an attack on Iran's nuclear program. The Bush administration is alarmed by the Israeli idea to fly over Iraq to reach Iran's major nuclear complex at Natanz and decides to step up intelligence-sharing with Israel and brief Israeli officials on new American efforts to subtly sabotage Iran's nuclear infrastructure. Mr. Bush will hand off the major covert program to President Obama." And then after that "The United States works with Israel to begin cyberattacks, code-named Olympic Games, on computer systems at the Natanz plant. A year later, the program is introduced undetected into a controller computer at Natanz. Centrifuges begin crashing and engineers have no clue that the plant is under attack."
Iran: A victory of moderation?
The following year in 2008, "International talks on Iran's nuclear ambitions end in deadlock." And then in September 2009, we learn that " American, British and French officials declassify some of their most closely held intelligence and describe a multiyear Iranian effort, tracked by spies and satellites, to build a secret uranium enrichment plant deep inside a mountain." In January 2010, we learn that "Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates warns in a secret three-page memorandum to top White House officials that the United States does not have an effective long-range policy for dealing with Iran's steady progress toward nuclear capability."
By February 2010 we are told, "The United Nations' nuclear inspectors declare for the first time that they have extensive evidence of 'past or current undisclosed activities' by Iran's military to develop a nuclear warhead." By summer 2010, Obama administration and the Israelis are conducting cyberattacks on Iranian nuclear facilities and destroying their centrifuges. By June of that year, US impose more sanctions on Iran. By the fall of that year, two Iranian nuclear scientists are targeted for assassination, while US and Europe expand their sanctions on Iran. In January 2012 yet another Iranian nuclear scientist is targeted for assassination. By May negotiations are not getting anywhere and by July "a European Union embargo on Iranian oil takes effect, playing a large role in severely restricting Iran's ability to sell its most important export." And by September 2012 Netanyahu brings his Mickey Mouse chart to the UN, as Iranians continues to suffer under economic sanctions, which the US bolsters early in 2013—by April, "Israeli officials stress readiness for lone strikes on Iran." By May and then again June even more US sanctions are imposed.
The three-ring circus
Iranians are not entirely innocent in this senseless escalation, nor can we read Rouhani's article just on its face value. It takes two to tango and the ruling regime in Iran is integral to the prolongation of the manufactured crisis. Today in the aftermath of the June 2013 and Rouhani's landslide victory we might be reading his statement far more sympathetically than it was intended six years ago. I am no diplomat, and I am the last person to quote the late President Reagan sympathetically, but did he not once said of his negotiations with Gorbachev, "trust but verify?"
Under Ahmadinejad's administration, especially over the last four years and in the aftermath of the brutal crackdown of the Green Movement, and the subsequent rise of the Arab Spring, Iranians have been negotiating from a position of internal insecurity, regional turmoil, and fearful distrust of the US/Israel intentions. In his own book in Persian, Amniyat-e Melli va Diplomasi-ye Hasteh'i/National Security and Nuclear Diplomacy (1390/2011), Rouhani blames the US belligerence, the European weakness, and also internal Iranian forces who did not wish for these negotiations to succeed.
But the chief culprit in this current crisis, other than the failure of first Bush and then Obama administration to take seriously President-elect Rouhani's proposal back in 2006, is the Israeli and pro-Israeli American propaganda machinery. Ahmadinejad has more than his share of blame by his incendiary remarks and belligerent disposition. But his eight years of catastrophic administration was a godsend for Israel to demonise an entire country and try to instigate the US to attack Iran.
Now Netanyahu is in deep trouble - as the author of that outline of a solution for the nuclear issue, however we may discount its intentions, is now the Iranian president. What did Netanyahu think when Rouhani was elected president?
"In Israel, the Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, was sceptical that Mr Rouhani's success would bring change. "Let us not delude ourselves," he said. "The international community must not be tempted to relax the pressure on Iran to stop its nuclear [programme]."
And of course before you knew it, his henchmen were out launching their smear campaign against Rouhani before he had even taken office. "'There's a sucker born every minute" is one of those great American phrases, fondly and frequently repeated by Americans, who tend to forget that it was said mainly about Americans." This bit of supercilious snickering is by Bret Stephens of Wall Street Journal , in a piece sarcastically called "A 'Pragmatic' Mullah" accusing anyone remotely sympathetic or hopeful in Rouhani's election of self-delusional naivete, which means the unsurpassed chutzpa of including 18 million Iranians who voted for him.
Hassan Rouhani wins Iran's presidential election
To try in vain to hide their daily, systematic, uninterrupted stealing more and more of Palestine, Israelis will do anything, fabricate any lie, murder any number of Palestinians, pick up fight with any country, call anyone who catches them red-handed "anti-Semite," and have been itching to push the US to commit the unsurpassed stupidity of attacking Iran, ordering their stooges in the US Congress to pass one resolution after another to force US to commit to go to war with Iran if Israel starts the war.
The Iranian nuclear crisis is no crisis at all. It is a fabricated issue, a red herring, instigated by Israel and its Zionist propagandists in US and Europe to distract attention from their systematic thievery of Palestine. Even if Iran is developing a nuclear weapon, and there is absolutely not a shred of evidence to that effect, Israel is the last entity on planet earth to point a finger at Iran. The only sensible and meaningful solution to the horror of nuclear weapons is a regional and in fact global dismantling of all these WMDs. Not only Iran should not have any nuclear warhead nor should Israel, or Pakistan, or Russia, China, and above all the only country that has actually used it once the United States.
If the "Iranian nuclear crisis" is a red herring, as I propose it is, then what is the issue? Here is the issue: The US/Israel, Saudi Arabia and Turkey and their more minor allies on one side, with China, Russia, and Iran on the other are vying for power in the midst of the revolutionary conditions that will ultimately endanger all their short term interests. Syria and Syrian people today are the victim of this proxy war between all these unsavoury forces. With the mandate handed him by a massive landslide, will Rouhani decouple Iranian real "national security" interests from this ghastly game and rely on the will of his people to live in peace and with dignity in the world? He has the hopes and aspirations of his people if he were ever to muster the courage to do so.
We who care for the results of these world historic revolutions around the region and indeed around the world - all as the extended logic of the Palestinian Intifada - should never divert our eyes off the ball - in Taksim, or Tahrir, or Azadi, or anywhere else for that matter, from Zuccotti Park in New York to the wide and inviting boulevards of Rio de Janeiro.
Hamid Dabashi is the Hagop Kevorkian Professor of Iranian Studies and Comparative Literature at Columbia University in New York. Among his most recent books is The World of Persian Literary Humanism (2012).
Can Rouhani solve 'the Iran nuclear issue'?
"The Iranian nuclear crisis is no crisis at all. It is a fabricated issue," writes Hamid Dabashi.
Last Modified: 26 Jun 2013 11:51
Hamid Dabashi is Hagop Kevorkian Professor of Iranian Studies and Comparative Literature at Columbia University.
In a 2006 Time magazine op-ed, Hassan Rouhani promoted non-proliferation and de-nuclearisation [EPA]
"A nuclear weaponised Iran destabilises the region, prompts a regional arms race, and wastes the scarce resources in the region."
Who do you think might have written this sentence? Chances are very few people around the world would know, or would now believe that the person who wrote this sentence is none other than the current president-elect of the Islamic Republic, Mr. Hassan Rouhani.
The next question is even more intriguing. When would you guess Mr. Rouhani wrote this sentence? Check the live link above: It was published on Tuesday 9 May 2006, exactly seven years before he was elected the president of the Islamic republic by a landslide.
Now - where do you think he published this essay, and in what language - in Persian in some obscure venue in Iran, perhaps? No - check the link again. It was written and published in English in Time Magazine, right under the nose of George W. Bush during the second term of his presidency. In the words of my Columbia University colleague, Gary Sick, who had recently dug this article out and posted it on his Facebook: "The US turned it down."
Now do please read the rest of the article, composed in English by President-elect Rouhani himself and published in a US venue. In it you read an extended argument why the development of a nuclear weapon is not in the best interest of Iran. "Taking account of US nuclear arsenal and its policy of ensuring a strategic edge for Israel," Rouhani continues, "an Iranian bomb will accord Iran no security dividends. There are also some Islamic and developmental reasons why Iran as an Islamic and developing state must not develop and use weapons of mass destruction."
Spotlight
Follow in-depth coverage of Iran's presidential poll
Rouhani insists "a negotiated solution still can and must be found if we intend to strengthen the non-proliferation regime and avoid an unwise and unnecessary conflict". And he concludes by saying: "In my personal judgment, a negotiated solution can be found in the context of the following steps, if and when creatively intertwined and negotiated in good faith by concerned officials."
You can now read the steps: he commits Iran to specific measures to assure the world, including the US (read Israel) of the transparency of its commitment to nonproliferation, and then concludes: " It is not Iran's intention to disregard Security Council decisions. The way out is for the Security Council to mandate the IAEA to address this issue and establish a negotiating process for a fixed period to formulate a credible plan taking into account the suggestions I made in my personal capacity." Now what exactly is his personal capacity? This is how he signs his name: "Hassan Rouhani is representative of the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khomeini, on the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC) and Iran's former top nuclear negotiator."
Fabricating an 'Iran nuclear crisis'
In December 2006, seven months after this article was published, the UN Security Council "unanimously approved sanctions intended to curb Iran's nuclear program." (See the New York Times "timeline of Iran's Nuclear Program" here ).
The crescendo of events after this 2006 article is mind boggling. According to the New York Times, in 2008, "President George W. Bush rejects a secret request by Israel for specialised bunker-busting bombs it wants for an attack on Iran's nuclear program. The Bush administration is alarmed by the Israeli idea to fly over Iraq to reach Iran's major nuclear complex at Natanz and decides to step up intelligence-sharing with Israel and brief Israeli officials on new American efforts to subtly sabotage Iran's nuclear infrastructure. Mr. Bush will hand off the major covert program to President Obama." And then after that "The United States works with Israel to begin cyberattacks, code-named Olympic Games, on computer systems at the Natanz plant. A year later, the program is introduced undetected into a controller computer at Natanz. Centrifuges begin crashing and engineers have no clue that the plant is under attack."
Iran: A victory of moderation?
The following year in 2008, "International talks on Iran's nuclear ambitions end in deadlock." And then in September 2009, we learn that " American, British and French officials declassify some of their most closely held intelligence and describe a multiyear Iranian effort, tracked by spies and satellites, to build a secret uranium enrichment plant deep inside a mountain." In January 2010, we learn that "Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates warns in a secret three-page memorandum to top White House officials that the United States does not have an effective long-range policy for dealing with Iran's steady progress toward nuclear capability."
By February 2010 we are told, "The United Nations' nuclear inspectors declare for the first time that they have extensive evidence of 'past or current undisclosed activities' by Iran's military to develop a nuclear warhead." By summer 2010, Obama administration and the Israelis are conducting cyberattacks on Iranian nuclear facilities and destroying their centrifuges. By June of that year, US impose more sanctions on Iran. By the fall of that year, two Iranian nuclear scientists are targeted for assassination, while US and Europe expand their sanctions on Iran. In January 2012 yet another Iranian nuclear scientist is targeted for assassination. By May negotiations are not getting anywhere and by July "a European Union embargo on Iranian oil takes effect, playing a large role in severely restricting Iran's ability to sell its most important export." And by September 2012 Netanyahu brings his Mickey Mouse chart to the UN, as Iranians continues to suffer under economic sanctions, which the US bolsters early in 2013—by April, "Israeli officials stress readiness for lone strikes on Iran." By May and then again June even more US sanctions are imposed.
The three-ring circus
Iranians are not entirely innocent in this senseless escalation, nor can we read Rouhani's article just on its face value. It takes two to tango and the ruling regime in Iran is integral to the prolongation of the manufactured crisis. Today in the aftermath of the June 2013 and Rouhani's landslide victory we might be reading his statement far more sympathetically than it was intended six years ago. I am no diplomat, and I am the last person to quote the late President Reagan sympathetically, but did he not once said of his negotiations with Gorbachev, "trust but verify?"
Under Ahmadinejad's administration, especially over the last four years and in the aftermath of the brutal crackdown of the Green Movement, and the subsequent rise of the Arab Spring, Iranians have been negotiating from a position of internal insecurity, regional turmoil, and fearful distrust of the US/Israel intentions. In his own book in Persian, Amniyat-e Melli va Diplomasi-ye Hasteh'i/National Security and Nuclear Diplomacy (1390/2011), Rouhani blames the US belligerence, the European weakness, and also internal Iranian forces who did not wish for these negotiations to succeed.
But the chief culprit in this current crisis, other than the failure of first Bush and then Obama administration to take seriously President-elect Rouhani's proposal back in 2006, is the Israeli and pro-Israeli American propaganda machinery. Ahmadinejad has more than his share of blame by his incendiary remarks and belligerent disposition. But his eight years of catastrophic administration was a godsend for Israel to demonise an entire country and try to instigate the US to attack Iran.
Now Netanyahu is in deep trouble - as the author of that outline of a solution for the nuclear issue, however we may discount its intentions, is now the Iranian president. What did Netanyahu think when Rouhani was elected president?
"In Israel, the Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, was sceptical that Mr Rouhani's success would bring change. "Let us not delude ourselves," he said. "The international community must not be tempted to relax the pressure on Iran to stop its nuclear [programme]."
And of course before you knew it, his henchmen were out launching their smear campaign against Rouhani before he had even taken office. "'There's a sucker born every minute" is one of those great American phrases, fondly and frequently repeated by Americans, who tend to forget that it was said mainly about Americans." This bit of supercilious snickering is by Bret Stephens of Wall Street Journal , in a piece sarcastically called "A 'Pragmatic' Mullah" accusing anyone remotely sympathetic or hopeful in Rouhani's election of self-delusional naivete, which means the unsurpassed chutzpa of including 18 million Iranians who voted for him.
Hassan Rouhani wins Iran's presidential election
To try in vain to hide their daily, systematic, uninterrupted stealing more and more of Palestine, Israelis will do anything, fabricate any lie, murder any number of Palestinians, pick up fight with any country, call anyone who catches them red-handed "anti-Semite," and have been itching to push the US to commit the unsurpassed stupidity of attacking Iran, ordering their stooges in the US Congress to pass one resolution after another to force US to commit to go to war with Iran if Israel starts the war.
The Iranian nuclear crisis is no crisis at all. It is a fabricated issue, a red herring, instigated by Israel and its Zionist propagandists in US and Europe to distract attention from their systematic thievery of Palestine. Even if Iran is developing a nuclear weapon, and there is absolutely not a shred of evidence to that effect, Israel is the last entity on planet earth to point a finger at Iran. The only sensible and meaningful solution to the horror of nuclear weapons is a regional and in fact global dismantling of all these WMDs. Not only Iran should not have any nuclear warhead nor should Israel, or Pakistan, or Russia, China, and above all the only country that has actually used it once the United States.
If the "Iranian nuclear crisis" is a red herring, as I propose it is, then what is the issue? Here is the issue: The US/Israel, Saudi Arabia and Turkey and their more minor allies on one side, with China, Russia, and Iran on the other are vying for power in the midst of the revolutionary conditions that will ultimately endanger all their short term interests. Syria and Syrian people today are the victim of this proxy war between all these unsavoury forces. With the mandate handed him by a massive landslide, will Rouhani decouple Iranian real "national security" interests from this ghastly game and rely on the will of his people to live in peace and with dignity in the world? He has the hopes and aspirations of his people if he were ever to muster the courage to do so.
We who care for the results of these world historic revolutions around the region and indeed around the world - all as the extended logic of the Palestinian Intifada - should never divert our eyes off the ball - in Taksim, or Tahrir, or Azadi, or anywhere else for that matter, from Zuccotti Park in New York to the wide and inviting boulevards of Rio de Janeiro.
Hamid Dabashi is the Hagop Kevorkian Professor of Iranian Studies and Comparative Literature at Columbia University in New York. Among his most recent books is The World of Persian Literary Humanism (2012).
What a pathetic phenomenon.
What kind of an adult kid have you raised if you feel the need to go pray on the side-walk and wait for him/her to write a 4 hour test? What is this nation coming to? Why bring up such dependent children? Ke chi besheh? Oh yeah I forgot! They have to feel 'guilty', or else they wouldn't be good humans.
Out of 250K applicants, 200K of them get in! Talk about a useless Konkoor! The funny thing is most of them will have no jobs relevant to their degree for their whole life. What's the point?!
What kind of an adult kid have you raised if you feel the need to go pray on the side-walk and wait for him/her to write a 4 hour test? What is this nation coming to? Why bring up such dependent children? Ke chi besheh? Oh yeah I forgot! They have to feel 'guilty', or else they wouldn't be good humans.
Out of 250K applicants, 200K of them get in! Talk about a useless Konkoor! The funny thing is most of them will have no jobs relevant to their degree for their whole life. What's the point?!
خاتمی: برنده انتخابات اصل انقلاب بود
رییس جمهور سابق حکومت اسلامی گفت: آنکه برنده اصلی انتخابات شد اصل انقلاب بود.
به گزارش خبرآنلاین، خاتمی با بیان اینکه در انتخابات ریاست جمهوری و نتیجه آن مساله ای وجود دارد که باید باز بشود و ان شاء الله در آینده باز خواهم کرد، گفت: ما در برابر یک وضعیتی بودیم که بحمدالله اصلاح طلبان در انتخابات حضور داشتند ولی به نظر می رسید که روند کار بسوئی می رود که بطور طبیعی بدست خود اصلاح طلبان هم اصلاحات و هم اصلاح طلبی شکست بخورد. آنچه در این زمینه انتخاب شد و بسیار هم دشوار بود این بود که ما ترجیح دادیم که گفتمان اصلاح طلبی که در مواضع آقایان عارف و روحانی مطرح شده بود پیروز بشود که بحمدالله چنین شد و این مساله موفقیتی بزرگ بود که به دست آمد.
وی افزود: به هر حال آنچه مردم به آن رای دادند یک سری مطالباتی بود که احساس می کردند از زبان کسانی بیان می شود و آنچه در وجدان جامعه بود اینکه وضع موجود قابل قبول نیست و باید عوض بشود راهکارها هم راهکارهای مدنی و اصلاح طلبانه و نه براندازانه بود.
رییس جمهور سابق با بیان اینکه از یک طرف گفتمان موجود و وضعیت موجود نفی شد از طرف دیگر شیوه های غیر مدنی و روش های براندازانه مورد نفی قرار گرفت، خاطرنشان ساخت: آنکه برنده اصلی شد اصل انقلاب بود و اینکه در درون نظام دلمان می خواهد تحول تغییر و پیشرفت حاصل بشود و اصلاح صورت گیرد.
رییس جمهور سابق حکومت اسلامی گفت: آنکه برنده اصلی انتخابات شد اصل انقلاب بود.
به گزارش خبرآنلاین، خاتمی با بیان اینکه در انتخابات ریاست جمهوری و نتیجه آن مساله ای وجود دارد که باید باز بشود و ان شاء الله در آینده باز خواهم کرد، گفت: ما در برابر یک وضعیتی بودیم که بحمدالله اصلاح طلبان در انتخابات حضور داشتند ولی به نظر می رسید که روند کار بسوئی می رود که بطور طبیعی بدست خود اصلاح طلبان هم اصلاحات و هم اصلاح طلبی شکست بخورد. آنچه در این زمینه انتخاب شد و بسیار هم دشوار بود این بود که ما ترجیح دادیم که گفتمان اصلاح طلبی که در مواضع آقایان عارف و روحانی مطرح شده بود پیروز بشود که بحمدالله چنین شد و این مساله موفقیتی بزرگ بود که به دست آمد.
وی افزود: به هر حال آنچه مردم به آن رای دادند یک سری مطالباتی بود که احساس می کردند از زبان کسانی بیان می شود و آنچه در وجدان جامعه بود اینکه وضع موجود قابل قبول نیست و باید عوض بشود راهکارها هم راهکارهای مدنی و اصلاح طلبانه و نه براندازانه بود.
رییس جمهور سابق با بیان اینکه از یک طرف گفتمان موجود و وضعیت موجود نفی شد از طرف دیگر شیوه های غیر مدنی و روش های براندازانه مورد نفی قرار گرفت، خاطرنشان ساخت: آنکه برنده اصلی شد اصل انقلاب بود و اینکه در درون نظام دلمان می خواهد تحول تغییر و پیشرفت حاصل بشود و اصلاح صورت گیرد.
IRAN AHMADINEJAD --- USED 29-06-13
Published on June 29th, 2013 | by Scott Lucas
7
Iran Today: Bye Bye, Ahmadinejad
inShare.
LATEST: Top Economist Laylaz Summoned Over Prison Sentence
Jump to Latest Update
A vivid reminder of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as a “lame duck” President this morning….
Ahmadinejad still has five weeks before Hassan Rouhani takes over as head of Government, but — despite warnings that he could cause mischief — he almost completely disappeared from this month’s Presidential election and has scarcely bothered the headlines. While as President, he still updates his official website, president.ir, President-elect Rouhani has eclipsed him even in cyberspace, creating his own president92.ir website.
The pro-Ahmadinejad IRNA tries its best to revive the President with a lead story that he has flown to Zanjan Province to inaugurate several projects, featuring Ahmadinejad smiling and waving as he enters the plane.
No one else follows, however — Fars, linked to the Revolutionary Guards, sees no reason to mention the trip. Nor do Khabar Online, the outlet of Speaker of Parliament Ali Larijani, or Mehr News.
Indeed, Mehr prefers a jab at Ahmadinejad. It features a letter from leading MP Ahmad Tavakoli — a long-time critic of the Government — to Larijani, alleging that the President has manipulated the currency market so billions in Government debt “disappeared”.
UPDATE: Fars News in Persian has just noticed Ahmadinejad’s trip to Zanjan, with a very short article reporting that the outgoing President has opened a sanitary products factory there.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Latest Updates, From Top to Bottom
Top Economist Laylaz Summoned Over Prison Sentence
We are clarifying reports as to whether Saeed Laylaz, one of Iran’s leading economists, was interrogated at Evin Prison on Saturday over his six-year prison sentence, but was soon released.
Laylaz, an advisor to 2009 Presidential candidate Mir Hossein Mousavi, was handed a nine-year sentence in December 2009 for “taking part in illegal gatherings” and “holding classified information”. The term was subsequently reduced by an appeals court.
The economist recently called the election of Hasson Rouhani as President “a historical opportunity” and a “trend toward moderation”.
Rouhani Addresses Iranian People: Moderation or Freedom?
President-elect Hassan Rouhani has given his first nationally-televised address to the Iranian people, and Press TV sees the message as “moderation”:
An observer has a different take-away from the speech:
Rouhani Meets Seyed Hassan Khomeini
President-elect Hassan Rouhani, whose public relations campaign including in English has continued after his election victory, announced late Friday via his website and social media tha cleric Seyed Hassan Khomeini, the grandson of the late Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, had visited him. Seyed Hassan congratulated Rouhani, and the two had
Published on June 29th, 2013 | by Scott Lucas
7
Iran Today: Bye Bye, Ahmadinejad
inShare.
LATEST: Top Economist Laylaz Summoned Over Prison Sentence
Jump to Latest Update
A vivid reminder of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as a “lame duck” President this morning….
Ahmadinejad still has five weeks before Hassan Rouhani takes over as head of Government, but — despite warnings that he could cause mischief — he almost completely disappeared from this month’s Presidential election and has scarcely bothered the headlines. While as President, he still updates his official website, president.ir, President-elect Rouhani has eclipsed him even in cyberspace, creating his own president92.ir website.
The pro-Ahmadinejad IRNA tries its best to revive the President with a lead story that he has flown to Zanjan Province to inaugurate several projects, featuring Ahmadinejad smiling and waving as he enters the plane.
No one else follows, however — Fars, linked to the Revolutionary Guards, sees no reason to mention the trip. Nor do Khabar Online, the outlet of Speaker of Parliament Ali Larijani, or Mehr News.
Indeed, Mehr prefers a jab at Ahmadinejad. It features a letter from leading MP Ahmad Tavakoli — a long-time critic of the Government — to Larijani, alleging that the President has manipulated the currency market so billions in Government debt “disappeared”.
UPDATE: Fars News in Persian has just noticed Ahmadinejad’s trip to Zanjan, with a very short article reporting that the outgoing President has opened a sanitary products factory there.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Latest Updates, From Top to Bottom
Top Economist Laylaz Summoned Over Prison Sentence
We are clarifying reports as to whether Saeed Laylaz, one of Iran’s leading economists, was interrogated at Evin Prison on Saturday over his six-year prison sentence, but was soon released.
Laylaz, an advisor to 2009 Presidential candidate Mir Hossein Mousavi, was handed a nine-year sentence in December 2009 for “taking part in illegal gatherings” and “holding classified information”. The term was subsequently reduced by an appeals court.
The economist recently called the election of Hasson Rouhani as President “a historical opportunity” and a “trend toward moderation”.
Rouhani Addresses Iranian People: Moderation or Freedom?
President-elect Hassan Rouhani has given his first nationally-televised address to the Iranian people, and Press TV sees the message as “moderation”:
An observer has a different take-away from the speech:
Rouhani Meets Seyed Hassan Khomeini
President-elect Hassan Rouhani, whose public relations campaign including in English has continued after his election victory, announced late Friday via his website and social media tha cleric Seyed Hassan Khomeini, the grandson of the late Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, had visited him. Seyed Hassan congratulated Rouhani, and the two had
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Rouhani's Only Leverage Is Popular Pressure: 12 Questions for Ahmad Shirzad
28.06.2013
Tagged
nuclear negotiations
Iranian nuclear program
Iranian presidential elections
Hassan Rouhani
Sanctions
Sharing is caring
Printer Friendly and PDF
Omid Memarian
Ahmad Shirzad is a prominent analyst of Iran's nuclear program, a physics professor at Isfahan University, and a former member of parliament under the tenure of President Mohammad Khatami, from 2000-2004. In an interview with IranWire, he said that if the West is inclined, there are technical solutions for ending the Iranian nuclear crisis. Shirzad criticized present nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili's style of diplomacy, saying that a negotiator “does not only negotiate with the foreign side, but also performs actively inside the country,” adding that “the negotiating team must definitely be changed.”
Dr. Shirzad's critique of Iran's handling of its nuclear program extends back to 2006, when he told the Italian newspaper La República: “Those who speak of national interests are in no way familiar with nuclear technologies and only open their mouths for demagoguery.” Shirzad cautioned against getting too excited by Hassan Rouhani’s election, and said that the clock cannot be reset to the pre-2005 state of affairs. Despite this, he remains optimistic and believes that Rouhani's “hard core,” the president-election's goodwill and motivation to succeed will give him a strong chance of solving Iran's political, economic, and social issues.
After the election many groups and individuals have raised demands they wish Hassan Rouhani to address as president, including attention to civil-political rights, solutions for the country's economic problems, an easing of sanctions, and a resolution to the nuclear issue. How realistic and constructive can such early demands be?
I think the situation is not one where there is room for excitement. An eight-year trend has been stopped and is changing. But it’s not like everything will return to how it was pre-2005. It won’t happen like that. There are a lot of obstacles in Mr. Rouhani’s way, and basically Mr. Rouhani has not come for a political entanglement. He tries more to deal with issues through negotiation, lobbying, and discussion. He will try to manage the existing conditions based on the existing situation. In fact he is not one to be looking to challenge things.
During the election, people repeatedly expressed demands such as the release of political prisoners. Considering the conditions you mentioned, how realistic is it to expect Rouhani to meet these demands? Whenever Mr. Ahmadinejad was asked such questions, he would always say that the Iranian Judiciary is independent, basically shrugging off responding or taking action.
I think he has more goodwill for solving issues, and through his intelligence and political experience, he knows that the key to solving the country’s problems lays in establishing peace internally and reducing friction internationally. At the same time, I personally believe that Mr. Rouhani is interested in portraying the image of an effective manager. We all know that economic and operational problems don’t have short-term solutions. Therefore if Mr. Rouhani is looking to establish a successful image of himself, he can achieve it through political issues.
If he is able to reduce some of the impasses and restrictions that have been imposed for some individuals inside the country, especially those who are in prison, he will certain project a positive image of himself. He is motivated. But sooner or later, we might hear the same Ahmadinejad sentence from him, saying that the Judiciary is independent and that he cannot interfere in its affairs. I emphasize that he has both more goodwill about these issues and more motivation. But I don’t believe he has sufficient implementation tools for such a task. The only tool Mr. Rouhani has is this same social pressure. Surely if social pressure and the expression of demands such continue, they might be able to lead to some results on the political level through Rouhani. But if social pressure faces disappointment and frustration, Mr. Rouhani won’t be able to do anything, either.
Mr. Rouhani argued during his campaign that the nuclear program could be advanced in a manner that doesn't involve the imposition of costly sanctions. Given the state of the economy and the situation Iran faces, this argument appealed broadly to Iranians and encouraged many to vote for him. Based on your knowledge of nuclear technology, do you see a solution that would allow Iran's nuclear dossier to be cleared of sanctions but that would also allow Iran to continue its program without creating international challenges?
I believe there certainly is a solution. Of course most of it will depend on the flexibility of the Western countries. I mean if the West's issue is really nuclear weapons, and they are not after putting political pressure on the Iranian regime through this issue, there are various solutions. These solutions also existed in the past. It is still possible for the Iranian government to maintain its dignity and for Western countries to be assured of the non-military nature and safety of the Iranian nuclear program. Building trust through different kinds of monitoring and cooperation is possible. The issue of a consortium, which had been discussed before, is still possible through a fuel exchange plan. Technologically, different things can be done. But for the most part, this depends on the Western side’s flexibility and the Iranian side’s sense of trust. If on both sides there is a will to reach a stable solution, it is possible to solve the issue.
What can Mr. Rouhani do that Mr. Saeed Jalili did not do? Jalili also said that he was interested in mutual respect and keeping Iran’s nuclear program.
Mr. Jalili was a unilateral negotiator. He only relayed messages from one side to the other, and the other side did not accept it. An effective negotiator, two of whom we have seen in Iran—Ali Larijani and Mr. Rouhani himself— does not only negotiate with the foreign side, but also performs actively inside the country. The negotiating team must definitely be changed. An active team with influence inside the country, one that has a will to solve the issue, must replace it. Such a team can act as an effective agent to get leaders of the Islamic Republic closer to an agreement with others. To be sure, this figure cannot be someone at Mr. Jalili’s level. The types of Mr. Ali Larijani or Hassan Rouhani were successful. I think that under the current circumstances, someone like Mr. Velayati can be much more successful; someone who believes in solving the issue, not someone who just goes back and forth. In order to do this he will have to also perform vigorously inside Iran.
What responsibility to sanctions have for the country’s present economic disarray? Some argue that sanctions have only had limited impact, others say they've been extremely detrimental.
They have definitely been effective and their effects have been serious, too. But it is also inaccurate to think that the sanctions alone have had an impact on the country’s poor economic conditions. The mismanagement and incompetence of the government’s economic officials and their from-one-day-to-the-next management style has exacerbated these issues. With Iran facing such a significant issue in the world, [these officials] did strange and unmeasured things inside the country that exacerbated things. But can this change the country’s foreign policies in the short term? It is not easy to answer this question. It depends on what path the government authorities choose. Do they wish to choose a path through which the country’s economy would be better managed, or are they willing to accept economic losses so that they would not compromise their foreign policy? It is a strategic decision in which the government is not the only effective factor.
During the election debates, Mr. Velayati referred to some capacities that have not yet been used in resolving Iran's foreign policy crisis. How possible is it for people like former presidents Khatami or Rafsanjani, or other individuals who can build trust, to be used in foreign policy?
I don’t believe Mr. Hashemi or Mr. Khatami are able to play a role in this area. They are not in conditions to do so. But Mr. Velayati himself, or others who have more influence inside the Iranian ruling group, can be effective. Mr. Rouhani is also effective, of course, even though he will not be involved in the initial stages. The chief negotiator will have to be a high-ranking diplomat who is able to play an effective role. I believe the suitable candidate for this job is Mr. Velayati himself.
There has been much discussion over the past two weeks as to whether Mr. Rouhani is a reformist or a conservative. Looking at his political past and listening to his recent campaign speeches, it’s still difficult to say what sort of thinking or demands he represents. What are your thoughts?
These definitions will become clear over time. Perhaps nobody could have ever imagined that Mr. Rafsanjani would be called a reformist at some point. But as we saw Mr. Rafsanjani slowly took steps in a path less expected. Eight to ten years ago, nobody would have expected these positions and conduct. If we look at the way Mr. Rouhani has evolved, we can see that he had a positive role in the nuclear case. But from a traditional viewpoint and based on the categorizations of the past decade, he would not be considered a reformist. He is a member of Tehran’s Combatant Clergy Association, whereas the reformist clerics were in the Association of Combatant Clerics. As such, traditionally, he has never been in the reformist camp. But his behavior and conduct in the past have always been moderate and middle-of-the-road. If you note the positions he took during his presidential campaign, you will see that his positions were a lot closer to the reformist positions. His performance, speeches, and positions will determine the rest.
Do the limited speeches and positions we saw from Mr. Rouhani over the recent days demonstrate such reformist tendencies?
So far, during the few days that have passed since the election, he has not disappointed his voters. Even in these few days, his impact on the political, economy, and social arenas has been positive, too. But we must see how these effects can be stabilized. I think the strategic decision that will show itself over the coming weeks will be his choice of cabinet members, even though the reformists do not wish to have a share of cabinet positions. But Mr. Rouhani is also expected to make productive and positive choices of people who can take the country forward with positive steps. So we must wait and see his choices for managing the country, and what he is planning to do in practice.
What ministries can play a more pivotal role in defining his path?
From what we hear here and there, he is not free to pick the best resources. But this is a key turning point. He is going through sensitive days. To be sure, choices he will make for key cultural ministries such as Culture and Islamic Guidance, Science and Technology, and Education and Development will be pivotal and will determine his future path more clearly. For example, if the approach he wishes to take about the universities is a continuation of procedures and programs pursued in [ Ahmadinejad’s] Ninth and Tenth Cabinets, the universities will be in trouble. It is expected that there will be reforms in this area and for us to go back to the usual practices that were in operation before. We also need serious changes in Education and Development [Ministry].
In which ministries can these effects show themselves faster?
The Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance is a ministry where many key decisions can be observed, before they are even visible in society. In cultural areas we must see who Mr. Rouhani’s choices are and how the entire cabinet wishes to operate together. Perhaps the easiest area for him would be the economy, because the country’s senior managers, whether reformist or conservative, are a lot more coordinated in this area. But economic developments don’t show themselves quickly, and it will take about two years for the wheels of the economy to start moving. In political and cultural issues, his hands are a lot more tied. Then again, if he wants to do things that will make people happy, he can satisfy people a lot more easily in these areas. We will have to wait to see which political game plan Mr. Rouhani will use to make his entrance.
How much obstructionism can we expect from the “resistance groups” that were active during Mr. Khatami’s presidency, the groups that effectively blocked his political, cultural, and social reforms? Considering the differences between Mr. Rouhani and Mr. Khatami and their political origins, how effective can these forces be in barring the implementation of Mr. Rouhani’s programs in response to people’s demands?
I think that the most sensitive issue is this one. What you call “resistance groups,” I call “the hard core,” a phenomenon that emerged during the Khatami era in 1997. If that hard core wishes to rebuild its violent self as it did in 1997 and employ the same methods of pressure groups and special crackdowns – essentially operating outside the reach of the government – that were manifested as “one crisis every nine days” during the Khatami era, the conditions will be very difficult and we can’t be too hopeful.
Are you pessimistic?
I am not pessimistic. I think that repeated experiences and the eight-year reign of Mr. Ahmadinejad have made everyone alert. Though rightists don’t wish to relinquish power, the main bulk of their power has transformed and paled. What behavior those resistance groups or hard core groups wish to display in the political realm, and whether they wish to rely on their traditional power tools or if they wish to have a more transparent presence in the political atmosphere, are subjects we must wait and see.
But the most important factor that can determine whether Mr. Rouhani himself can be successful or not is in this area, and no one knows how this area will play out. The optimistic answer is that the hard core groups take to transparent political activities and form parties and groups. The pessimistic answer is that the same “one crisis every nine days” scenario will be repeated again. Certainly it is not right to think that their way of thinking has disappeared. The other side got four million votes. If those who represent those votes take to transparent political party activities and have their own media outlets and compete with the other side, we can be hopeful that all developments will take place in the political arena.
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Rouhani's Only Leverage Is Popular Pressure: 12 Questions for Ahmad Shirzad
28.06.2013
Tagged
nuclear negotiations
Iranian nuclear program
Iranian presidential elections
Hassan Rouhani
Sanctions
Sharing is caring
Printer Friendly and PDF
Omid Memarian
Ahmad Shirzad is a prominent analyst of Iran's nuclear program, a physics professor at Isfahan University, and a former member of parliament under the tenure of President Mohammad Khatami, from 2000-2004. In an interview with IranWire, he said that if the West is inclined, there are technical solutions for ending the Iranian nuclear crisis. Shirzad criticized present nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili's style of diplomacy, saying that a negotiator “does not only negotiate with the foreign side, but also performs actively inside the country,” adding that “the negotiating team must definitely be changed.”
Dr. Shirzad's critique of Iran's handling of its nuclear program extends back to 2006, when he told the Italian newspaper La República: “Those who speak of national interests are in no way familiar with nuclear technologies and only open their mouths for demagoguery.” Shirzad cautioned against getting too excited by Hassan Rouhani’s election, and said that the clock cannot be reset to the pre-2005 state of affairs. Despite this, he remains optimistic and believes that Rouhani's “hard core,” the president-election's goodwill and motivation to succeed will give him a strong chance of solving Iran's political, economic, and social issues.
After the election many groups and individuals have raised demands they wish Hassan Rouhani to address as president, including attention to civil-political rights, solutions for the country's economic problems, an easing of sanctions, and a resolution to the nuclear issue. How realistic and constructive can such early demands be?
I think the situation is not one where there is room for excitement. An eight-year trend has been stopped and is changing. But it’s not like everything will return to how it was pre-2005. It won’t happen like that. There are a lot of obstacles in Mr. Rouhani’s way, and basically Mr. Rouhani has not come for a political entanglement. He tries more to deal with issues through negotiation, lobbying, and discussion. He will try to manage the existing conditions based on the existing situation. In fact he is not one to be looking to challenge things.
During the election, people repeatedly expressed demands such as the release of political prisoners. Considering the conditions you mentioned, how realistic is it to expect Rouhani to meet these demands? Whenever Mr. Ahmadinejad was asked such questions, he would always say that the Iranian Judiciary is independent, basically shrugging off responding or taking action.
I think he has more goodwill for solving issues, and through his intelligence and political experience, he knows that the key to solving the country’s problems lays in establishing peace internally and reducing friction internationally. At the same time, I personally believe that Mr. Rouhani is interested in portraying the image of an effective manager. We all know that economic and operational problems don’t have short-term solutions. Therefore if Mr. Rouhani is looking to establish a successful image of himself, he can achieve it through political issues.
If he is able to reduce some of the impasses and restrictions that have been imposed for some individuals inside the country, especially those who are in prison, he will certain project a positive image of himself. He is motivated. But sooner or later, we might hear the same Ahmadinejad sentence from him, saying that the Judiciary is independent and that he cannot interfere in its affairs. I emphasize that he has both more goodwill about these issues and more motivation. But I don’t believe he has sufficient implementation tools for such a task. The only tool Mr. Rouhani has is this same social pressure. Surely if social pressure and the expression of demands such continue, they might be able to lead to some results on the political level through Rouhani. But if social pressure faces disappointment and frustration, Mr. Rouhani won’t be able to do anything, either.
Mr. Rouhani argued during his campaign that the nuclear program could be advanced in a manner that doesn't involve the imposition of costly sanctions. Given the state of the economy and the situation Iran faces, this argument appealed broadly to Iranians and encouraged many to vote for him. Based on your knowledge of nuclear technology, do you see a solution that would allow Iran's nuclear dossier to be cleared of sanctions but that would also allow Iran to continue its program without creating international challenges?
I believe there certainly is a solution. Of course most of it will depend on the flexibility of the Western countries. I mean if the West's issue is really nuclear weapons, and they are not after putting political pressure on the Iranian regime through this issue, there are various solutions. These solutions also existed in the past. It is still possible for the Iranian government to maintain its dignity and for Western countries to be assured of the non-military nature and safety of the Iranian nuclear program. Building trust through different kinds of monitoring and cooperation is possible. The issue of a consortium, which had been discussed before, is still possible through a fuel exchange plan. Technologically, different things can be done. But for the most part, this depends on the Western side’s flexibility and the Iranian side’s sense of trust. If on both sides there is a will to reach a stable solution, it is possible to solve the issue.
What can Mr. Rouhani do that Mr. Saeed Jalili did not do? Jalili also said that he was interested in mutual respect and keeping Iran’s nuclear program.
Mr. Jalili was a unilateral negotiator. He only relayed messages from one side to the other, and the other side did not accept it. An effective negotiator, two of whom we have seen in Iran—Ali Larijani and Mr. Rouhani himself— does not only negotiate with the foreign side, but also performs actively inside the country. The negotiating team must definitely be changed. An active team with influence inside the country, one that has a will to solve the issue, must replace it. Such a team can act as an effective agent to get leaders of the Islamic Republic closer to an agreement with others. To be sure, this figure cannot be someone at Mr. Jalili’s level. The types of Mr. Ali Larijani or Hassan Rouhani were successful. I think that under the current circumstances, someone like Mr. Velayati can be much more successful; someone who believes in solving the issue, not someone who just goes back and forth. In order to do this he will have to also perform vigorously inside Iran.
What responsibility to sanctions have for the country’s present economic disarray? Some argue that sanctions have only had limited impact, others say they've been extremely detrimental.
They have definitely been effective and their effects have been serious, too. But it is also inaccurate to think that the sanctions alone have had an impact on the country’s poor economic conditions. The mismanagement and incompetence of the government’s economic officials and their from-one-day-to-the-next management style has exacerbated these issues. With Iran facing such a significant issue in the world, [these officials] did strange and unmeasured things inside the country that exacerbated things. But can this change the country’s foreign policies in the short term? It is not easy to answer this question. It depends on what path the government authorities choose. Do they wish to choose a path through which the country’s economy would be better managed, or are they willing to accept economic losses so that they would not compromise their foreign policy? It is a strategic decision in which the government is not the only effective factor.
During the election debates, Mr. Velayati referred to some capacities that have not yet been used in resolving Iran's foreign policy crisis. How possible is it for people like former presidents Khatami or Rafsanjani, or other individuals who can build trust, to be used in foreign policy?
I don’t believe Mr. Hashemi or Mr. Khatami are able to play a role in this area. They are not in conditions to do so. But Mr. Velayati himself, or others who have more influence inside the Iranian ruling group, can be effective. Mr. Rouhani is also effective, of course, even though he will not be involved in the initial stages. The chief negotiator will have to be a high-ranking diplomat who is able to play an effective role. I believe the suitable candidate for this job is Mr. Velayati himself.
There has been much discussion over the past two weeks as to whether Mr. Rouhani is a reformist or a conservative. Looking at his political past and listening to his recent campaign speeches, it’s still difficult to say what sort of thinking or demands he represents. What are your thoughts?
These definitions will become clear over time. Perhaps nobody could have ever imagined that Mr. Rafsanjani would be called a reformist at some point. But as we saw Mr. Rafsanjani slowly took steps in a path less expected. Eight to ten years ago, nobody would have expected these positions and conduct. If we look at the way Mr. Rouhani has evolved, we can see that he had a positive role in the nuclear case. But from a traditional viewpoint and based on the categorizations of the past decade, he would not be considered a reformist. He is a member of Tehran’s Combatant Clergy Association, whereas the reformist clerics were in the Association of Combatant Clerics. As such, traditionally, he has never been in the reformist camp. But his behavior and conduct in the past have always been moderate and middle-of-the-road. If you note the positions he took during his presidential campaign, you will see that his positions were a lot closer to the reformist positions. His performance, speeches, and positions will determine the rest.
Do the limited speeches and positions we saw from Mr. Rouhani over the recent days demonstrate such reformist tendencies?
So far, during the few days that have passed since the election, he has not disappointed his voters. Even in these few days, his impact on the political, economy, and social arenas has been positive, too. But we must see how these effects can be stabilized. I think the strategic decision that will show itself over the coming weeks will be his choice of cabinet members, even though the reformists do not wish to have a share of cabinet positions. But Mr. Rouhani is also expected to make productive and positive choices of people who can take the country forward with positive steps. So we must wait and see his choices for managing the country, and what he is planning to do in practice.
What ministries can play a more pivotal role in defining his path?
From what we hear here and there, he is not free to pick the best resources. But this is a key turning point. He is going through sensitive days. To be sure, choices he will make for key cultural ministries such as Culture and Islamic Guidance, Science and Technology, and Education and Development will be pivotal and will determine his future path more clearly. For example, if the approach he wishes to take about the universities is a continuation of procedures and programs pursued in [ Ahmadinejad’s] Ninth and Tenth Cabinets, the universities will be in trouble. It is expected that there will be reforms in this area and for us to go back to the usual practices that were in operation before. We also need serious changes in Education and Development [Ministry].
In which ministries can these effects show themselves faster?
The Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance is a ministry where many key decisions can be observed, before they are even visible in society. In cultural areas we must see who Mr. Rouhani’s choices are and how the entire cabinet wishes to operate together. Perhaps the easiest area for him would be the economy, because the country’s senior managers, whether reformist or conservative, are a lot more coordinated in this area. But economic developments don’t show themselves quickly, and it will take about two years for the wheels of the economy to start moving. In political and cultural issues, his hands are a lot more tied. Then again, if he wants to do things that will make people happy, he can satisfy people a lot more easily in these areas. We will have to wait to see which political game plan Mr. Rouhani will use to make his entrance.
How much obstructionism can we expect from the “resistance groups” that were active during Mr. Khatami’s presidency, the groups that effectively blocked his political, cultural, and social reforms? Considering the differences between Mr. Rouhani and Mr. Khatami and their political origins, how effective can these forces be in barring the implementation of Mr. Rouhani’s programs in response to people’s demands?
I think that the most sensitive issue is this one. What you call “resistance groups,” I call “the hard core,” a phenomenon that emerged during the Khatami era in 1997. If that hard core wishes to rebuild its violent self as it did in 1997 and employ the same methods of pressure groups and special crackdowns – essentially operating outside the reach of the government – that were manifested as “one crisis every nine days” during the Khatami era, the conditions will be very difficult and we can’t be too hopeful.
Are you pessimistic?
I am not pessimistic. I think that repeated experiences and the eight-year reign of Mr. Ahmadinejad have made everyone alert. Though rightists don’t wish to relinquish power, the main bulk of their power has transformed and paled. What behavior those resistance groups or hard core groups wish to display in the political realm, and whether they wish to rely on their traditional power tools or if they wish to have a more transparent presence in the political atmosphere, are subjects we must wait and see.
But the most important factor that can determine whether Mr. Rouhani himself can be successful or not is in this area, and no one knows how this area will play out. The optimistic answer is that the hard core groups take to transparent political activities and form parties and groups. The pessimistic answer is that the same “one crisis every nine days” scenario will be repeated again. Certainly it is not right to think that their way of thinking has disappeared. The other side got four million votes. If those who represent those votes take to transparent political party activities and have their own media outlets and compete with the other side, we can be hopeful that all developments will take place in the political arena.
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LOL. Nourizad asking Khamenei & all other top dogs to get a drug test:
یک پیشنهاد برای سنجش ” باوفا “یی مسئولان نظام اسلامی (محمد نوری زاد)
ارسال شده توسط: محمد نوری زاد در تاریخ تیر ۹, ۱۳۹۲ در بخش جدید ها ۲۰ نظر
Rating: +1 (from 1 vote)
من براین باورم که مصرف بیش ازاندازه ی مواد مخدردرایران، واین که چرا سوداگرانِ تهیه وتولید وترانزیت وتوزیعِ این مواد ازامنیت وافری برخوردارند، تنها به این خاطراست که بخش وسیعی از مسئولان ومردان صاحب نام ما خودشان آلوده ومعتادند.
درجهانِ فهم، شدیداً با مسئولان معتاد برخورد اداری وقضایی می شود. حداقل این که ازکاربرکنارشان می کنند وامتیازات شهروندی شان را تقلیل می دهند. چرا که یک مسئول معتاد، هماره بیشترین انگیزه را برای خطاکاری های جوربجور می پرورد ورفته رفته حوزه ی عملِ بیمارگونه ی خود را نیز می گسترد.
ما معمولاً جوری تربیت شده ایم که به یک رهگذرمعتاد، بچشم فردی معلق وبلاتکلیف وبی شخصیت بنگریم واورا ازگردونه ی اعتبار واعتنا بدوراندازیم اما درنقطه ی مقابل به یک آیت الله تریاکی، بچشم شخصیتی بنگریم که همچنان عالم واندیشمند است ومایه ی مباهات. ویعنی اگرتریاک، به روان وشخصیتِ آن رهگذرِ بی نشان تیغ می کشد، به یک روحانی ویک مسئول اسلامی وجاهت می افشاند.
شاید روی سخن وپیشنهاد عملیِ من دراین نوشته با شخص رهبرباشد. چرا که مگرجناب ایشان بتوانند حریف این رویه ی نامبارک شوند وبساط مسئولان ومسئولیتهای آلوده به اعتیاد را ریشه کن فرمایند. پیشنهاد من بسیارساده است. این که: جناب رهبردستورفرمایند همین فردا همه ی مسئولان وکارکنان وقاضیان ونمایندگان وروحانیان ومراجع تقلیدوصاحبان رسانه ها وخلاصه همه ی کسانی که به نوعی با مردم مراوده ی اسلامی وحکومتی ودولتی دارند، مورد آزمایش قرارگیرند تا مبرّا بودن آنان ازهرگونه اعتیاد محرز شود.
چه خوب می شود که بخشنامه ای اززبان رهبرمنتشرشود وهمگان را به این ضرورتِ اجتناب ناپذیر تحکم فرمایند. انشای این بخشنامه حتی می تواند اینگونه باشد: ” …. برهمه ی کارکنان دولت ومسئولان وشخصیت های کشوری ولشگری وروحانی وغیرروحانی ونمایندگان مجلس وقضات دستگاه قضایی وهمه وهمه واجب است که برگه ی آزمایشِ خود را – مبنی برعدم اعتیاد – به دستگاه مربوطه ی خود تحویل دهند. ما نیز خودمان بهمراه آقایان محمد نوری زاد، حسین شریعتمداری، یکی ازبرادران لاریجانی، ویکی ازمراجع عظام برای اطمینان مردم ازصحت وسلامت کسانی که دراطراف رهبرمجتمع اند، به یکی ازمراکز تشخیص اعتیاد مراجعه ونتیجه ی آزمایش خود را برای آگاهی مردم درمعرض دید رسانه های داخلی وخارجی قرارمی دهیم وهرگزنیز اجازه نمی دهیم دراین حرکت ملی کوچکترین تقلبی صورت پذیرد…..”
محمد نوری زاد هشتم تیرماه سال نود ودو – تهران
یک پیشنهاد برای سنجش ” باوفا “یی مسئولان نظام اسلامی (محمد نوری زاد)
ارسال شده توسط: محمد نوری زاد در تاریخ تیر ۹, ۱۳۹۲ در بخش جدید ها ۲۰ نظر
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من براین باورم که مصرف بیش ازاندازه ی مواد مخدردرایران، واین که چرا سوداگرانِ تهیه وتولید وترانزیت وتوزیعِ این مواد ازامنیت وافری برخوردارند، تنها به این خاطراست که بخش وسیعی از مسئولان ومردان صاحب نام ما خودشان آلوده ومعتادند.
درجهانِ فهم، شدیداً با مسئولان معتاد برخورد اداری وقضایی می شود. حداقل این که ازکاربرکنارشان می کنند وامتیازات شهروندی شان را تقلیل می دهند. چرا که یک مسئول معتاد، هماره بیشترین انگیزه را برای خطاکاری های جوربجور می پرورد ورفته رفته حوزه ی عملِ بیمارگونه ی خود را نیز می گسترد.
ما معمولاً جوری تربیت شده ایم که به یک رهگذرمعتاد، بچشم فردی معلق وبلاتکلیف وبی شخصیت بنگریم واورا ازگردونه ی اعتبار واعتنا بدوراندازیم اما درنقطه ی مقابل به یک آیت الله تریاکی، بچشم شخصیتی بنگریم که همچنان عالم واندیشمند است ومایه ی مباهات. ویعنی اگرتریاک، به روان وشخصیتِ آن رهگذرِ بی نشان تیغ می کشد، به یک روحانی ویک مسئول اسلامی وجاهت می افشاند.
شاید روی سخن وپیشنهاد عملیِ من دراین نوشته با شخص رهبرباشد. چرا که مگرجناب ایشان بتوانند حریف این رویه ی نامبارک شوند وبساط مسئولان ومسئولیتهای آلوده به اعتیاد را ریشه کن فرمایند. پیشنهاد من بسیارساده است. این که: جناب رهبردستورفرمایند همین فردا همه ی مسئولان وکارکنان وقاضیان ونمایندگان وروحانیان ومراجع تقلیدوصاحبان رسانه ها وخلاصه همه ی کسانی که به نوعی با مردم مراوده ی اسلامی وحکومتی ودولتی دارند، مورد آزمایش قرارگیرند تا مبرّا بودن آنان ازهرگونه اعتیاد محرز شود.
چه خوب می شود که بخشنامه ای اززبان رهبرمنتشرشود وهمگان را به این ضرورتِ اجتناب ناپذیر تحکم فرمایند. انشای این بخشنامه حتی می تواند اینگونه باشد: ” …. برهمه ی کارکنان دولت ومسئولان وشخصیت های کشوری ولشگری وروحانی وغیرروحانی ونمایندگان مجلس وقضات دستگاه قضایی وهمه وهمه واجب است که برگه ی آزمایشِ خود را – مبنی برعدم اعتیاد – به دستگاه مربوطه ی خود تحویل دهند. ما نیز خودمان بهمراه آقایان محمد نوری زاد، حسین شریعتمداری، یکی ازبرادران لاریجانی، ویکی ازمراجع عظام برای اطمینان مردم ازصحت وسلامت کسانی که دراطراف رهبرمجتمع اند، به یکی ازمراکز تشخیص اعتیاد مراجعه ونتیجه ی آزمایش خود را برای آگاهی مردم درمعرض دید رسانه های داخلی وخارجی قرارمی دهیم وهرگزنیز اجازه نمی دهیم دراین حرکت ملی کوچکترین تقلبی صورت پذیرد…..”
محمد نوری زاد هشتم تیرماه سال نود ودو – تهران
Iran Today: US Welcomes Rouhani With More Sanctions
inShare.
Amid the discussion of whether the election of Hassan Rouhani will lead to “engagement” in the US-Iran relationship, a useful reminder from The Wall Street Journal:
Sanctions on Iran by the U.S. signed into law in January, and implemented and expanded via executive order in early June come into effect on Monday. The sanctions affect a vast array of interests engaging the Iranian economy.
The measures, signed in January as part of the National Defense Authorization Act, targets energy, shipping and shipbuilding sectors, barring the sale, supply or transfer of “significant” goods or services by non-US companies. They also restrict trade with Iran in precious metals, graphite, aluminum and steel, metallurgical coal, and software for integrating industrial processes.
But that’s not all. Only two weeks before the June election, the Obama Administration announces a series of four executive orders and Treasury steps ratcheting up sanctions. These include strict measures against Iran’s automobile sector, punishing anyone who offers assistance in the production of of light and heavy vehicles such as passenger cars, trucks, buses, minibuses, pick-up trucks, and motorcycles.
And, in the potentially most significant step, Washington is threatening to break the Iranian currency by sanctioning
any foreign financial institutions conducting “significant” transactions in the Rial. Senior administration officials have said this “will make the Rial useless outside of Iran”.
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Iran Says UN Special Rapporteur On Human Rights In Iran Not Welcome In Tehran
In a totally unsurprising move, the secretary of Iran’s High Council, Mohammad Javad Larijani, said Sunday that the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Iran, Ahmed Shaheed, was not welcome to visit the country.
Mohammad Javad said Shaheed’s reports were biased because they were based on “anti-Iran websites”, and that his March report, which slammed Iran on a number of counts including over its Presidential election procedures, was “professionally flawed” because it only cited people who spoke on condition on anonymity.
Shaheed had expressed concern at the barring of women from the Presidential race.
“Ahmad Shaheed merely pieces together allegations [against Iran], while anyone can easily compile similar reports by searching the anti-Iran websites. His work is unjustified and totally invalid from a professional standpoint,” Mohammad Javad was quoted as saying.
The comments come after Shaheed likely upset Iran further earlier this month when he said the country’s Presidential election was “neither free nor fair as Tehran has silenced journalists and opposition leaders in the run up to [the] vote”.
inShare.
Amid the discussion of whether the election of Hassan Rouhani will lead to “engagement” in the US-Iran relationship, a useful reminder from The Wall Street Journal:
Sanctions on Iran by the U.S. signed into law in January, and implemented and expanded via executive order in early June come into effect on Monday. The sanctions affect a vast array of interests engaging the Iranian economy.
The measures, signed in January as part of the National Defense Authorization Act, targets energy, shipping and shipbuilding sectors, barring the sale, supply or transfer of “significant” goods or services by non-US companies. They also restrict trade with Iran in precious metals, graphite, aluminum and steel, metallurgical coal, and software for integrating industrial processes.
But that’s not all. Only two weeks before the June election, the Obama Administration announces a series of four executive orders and Treasury steps ratcheting up sanctions. These include strict measures against Iran’s automobile sector, punishing anyone who offers assistance in the production of of light and heavy vehicles such as passenger cars, trucks, buses, minibuses, pick-up trucks, and motorcycles.
And, in the potentially most significant step, Washington is threatening to break the Iranian currency by sanctioning
any foreign financial institutions conducting “significant” transactions in the Rial. Senior administration officials have said this “will make the Rial useless outside of Iran”.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Iran Says UN Special Rapporteur On Human Rights In Iran Not Welcome In Tehran
In a totally unsurprising move, the secretary of Iran’s High Council, Mohammad Javad Larijani, said Sunday that the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Iran, Ahmed Shaheed, was not welcome to visit the country.
Mohammad Javad said Shaheed’s reports were biased because they were based on “anti-Iran websites”, and that his March report, which slammed Iran on a number of counts including over its Presidential election procedures, was “professionally flawed” because it only cited people who spoke on condition on anonymity.
Shaheed had expressed concern at the barring of women from the Presidential race.
“Ahmad Shaheed merely pieces together allegations [against Iran], while anyone can easily compile similar reports by searching the anti-Iran websites. His work is unjustified and totally invalid from a professional standpoint,” Mohammad Javad was quoted as saying.
The comments come after Shaheed likely upset Iran further earlier this month when he said the country’s Presidential election was “neither free nor fair as Tehran has silenced journalists and opposition leaders in the run up to [the] vote”.
